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ROMANCE AND 
TRAGEDY OE 
TEXAS HISTORY 


Being a Record of Many 
Thrilling Events in Texas 
History Under Spanish, 
Mexican and Anglo-Saxon 
Rule 


SAM HOUSTON DIXON ^ 

H 

Author *'^Poets and Poetry of Texas ” Men Who 
Made Texas Free” Etc. 


^ Volume I 

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Published by 

TKXAS HISTORICAL PUBLISHING COMPANY 
HOUSTON, TEXAS 












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Copyright 1924 > 

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Sjtn Houston Dixon 



JUL19'24^ 

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PREFACE 



V 




d. 


This record of the Romance and Tragedy of Texas History 
is presented with the view of interesting and instructing the 
reader. Many of the facts presented are unknown to the general 
public, but they possess historic interest of unusual value. 

This volume does not purport to contain every incident of 
Texas history around which cluster Romance and Tragedy. It 
does, however, give many of the major events of Texas history 
which are conspicuous for romantic and tragic interest. 

As a student of Texas history I have delved into the records 
of her past and gathered from her quarry many golden nuggets. 
These I have polished and exhibit in this cabinet of cloth. 

Texas wa« long regarded as a land of mystery, rich in myths, 
traditions and fables. Many of the early explorers risked their 
lives in their persistent search for the fabulous gold of Gran 
Quivira and the Seven Hills of the Aijados. The search of Ponce 
de Leon, in the swamps of Florida for the Fountain of Youth, 
presents no more romantic interest than that of Juan de Humana 
searching for Gran Quivira and of Juan de Zavala in search of 
El Sierra de la Plata. The heroic action of Pocahontas in saving 
the life of Captain Smith, is no more romantic than that of 
Angelina binding the wounds of the French Cavalier, Belisle. 
Irving’s record of the conquest of Granada presents no more 
tragic scene than that of the Texas colonists wresting an empire 
from the hands of the Mexican despots. The Spartans at Ther¬ 
mopylae present no more daring bravery and sacrifice than those 
of Trayis and his companions at the Alamo. The battles of the 
world do not eclipse for decisiveness the battle of San Jacinto. 
The butchery of Fannin and his command at Goliad was as cruel 
and inhuman as any perpetrated during the Inquisition. 

The heroes and martyrs of Texas history set an example for 
courage and sacrifice unparalleled in the world’s history. Their 



f. 


deeds of heroism are the heritage of the present generation, and 
their memories should be revered. 

I offer no apology for collecting together the half vanished 
memories of the Romance and Tragedy of our State’s history. 
They should be preserved as an enduring monument to the mem¬ 
ory of the Texas pioneers who labored and struggled and sacri¬ 
ficed that Freedom’s flag might wave forever over this- fair 
land of ours. 

Historic accuracy has been the author’s aim and ambition in 
preparing this volume. The labor required in its preparation 
has been a labor of love and reverence for the memories and 
deeds of those who gave romance and tragedy to our country’s 
history. iMay the author indulge in the hope that this little vol¬ 
ume will be given a cheerful greeting. It is but one of the many 
volumes that should be written to preserve the records of the 
romantic and tragical in the State’s history. 


CONTENTS 


Page 

Title Page . ^ 

Preface . ^ 

Contents. ^ 

Introductory .. 

Angelina, The Indian Maiden 15-19 

Battle of Coleto.221-226 

Battle of Concepcion.185-196 

Battle of Gonzales.175-177 

Battle of Plum Creek.263-271 

Battle of San Jacinto.227-245 

Battle of Velasco. : 161-171 

Bustamente’s Decree of 1830 99-104 

Capture and Deportation of Santa Anna.247-256 

Capture of San Antonio . 

Council House Battle.263-271 

Drawing the Black Bean. 291 

Early Conventions of the Texas Colonists 105-149 

Early Spanish Missions.31-58 

Execution of Captain Cameron.291 

Facsimile Declaration of Independence.150-160 

Fredonian Republic .85-98 

Government of Coahuila and Texas.. ■ .79-84 

\ Houston Addresses Regulators and Moderators. 298 

y Houston Refused Federal Aid in 1861 301-313 

Johnson-Grant Military Expedition 201-207 

Ijong’s Invasion of Texas .69-78 

Magee-Gutierrez Invasion of Texas.59-67 

iNIassacre of Fannin and His Command 221-226 

Massacre of King’s and Ward’s Commands 217-219 

Mier Expedition.283-293 

Indian Raid of Linnville.263-271 

Indian Raid of Victoria.263-271 

Reconciliation of Austin and Wharton 179-183 



































Kepiiblic of the Rio Grande.257-262 

Romance and Tragedy of Texas History.7-13 

Salt Lake War.331-335 

Santa Anna’s Programme to Subjugate Texas.197-200 

Santa Fe Expedition.273-282 

Spanish Alarmed Search for LaSalle’s Colony.21-29 

Storming and Fall of the Alamo.209-215 

Texans Rebel Against Military at Anahuac .163-173 

Trial and Conviction of Santanta and Big Tree.315-329 

War of the Regulators and Moderators.295-300 












INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 
Her Mythsy Fables and Traditions 

There is no country on the North American Continent that 
can present a more romantic and tragical history than can 
Texas. From its earliest period there clusters around it Romance 
and Tragedy. The record of the early explorers is a story of in¬ 
comparable romance, and tragedy is stamped on every page. 

The mind cannot picture a more beautiful region than that 
found by its first explorers when they entered the broad prairies 
and primeval forests of Texas. It was a veritable wilderness, 
abounding in fruit and flowers, in game and fish. It was inhabit¬ 
ed by a wierd race of nomads whose limitless power had never 
been challenged; by multitudinous bands of semi-barbarous men 
whose wigwams and temples dotted the verdant vales and whose 
cave homes occupied the mountain cliffs. These primeval chil¬ 
dren of Texas' plains were happy and contented. They knew 
nothing of strife. They knew nothing of war’s resounding drum 
beat. They knew nothing of men’s pomp and pride; nothing of 
hate and malice. They had but one law—that of obedience to 
their super-man’s will. 

Its placid lakes and inlet bays had never borne on their bosoms 
the ladened ships of commerce. The rude canoe alone had glided 
over their silvery waters, and, undisturbed, the bivalves and the 
schools of trout and mackerel multiplied and replenished the 
waters with their kind. Buffalo, deer, antelope, the wild cow 
and horse, roamed the prairies. The lion, tiger, boar, wolf and 
cat held mastery over the forests and jungles. Birds of the 
richest hues flitted from tree to tree unharmed by the ruthless 
hand of the slayer. It was indeed a Paradise and the Red Man 
was its keeper. He destroyed not its forest nor laid waste its 
broad prairies. The fruiting vine and the nut-bearing tree sup¬ 
plied food for man and beast, and the industrious honey bee 


8 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


gathered nectar from blooming vine, shrub and plant and trans¬ 
formed it into rich sweetness. The huntsmen had never pene¬ 
trated its woodlands with their deadly aim or disturbed the 
quiet of its deep tangle woods. ’Twas nature’s dwelling place— 
and nature has its Romance and Tragedy. 

But as explorers continued their search for the fabled Gran 
Quivira, the Sierra de la Plata, the Kingdom of the Texas, dis¬ 
cord arose and we have records of strife and bloody conflict. 

The Spaniards did little to develop Texas during their long 
years of control and occupancy. But still ‘‘they left their im¬ 
press ’ ’ says Fulmore, ‘ ‘ as they gave names to all the conspicuous 
features of the gulf shore line from Sabine Pass to the mouth 
of the Rio Grande; to the islands, bays, passes and all streams 
emptying into the Gulf of Mexico and many of their tributaries; 
to the principal mountains of the State, to trees, shrubs, flowers, 
birds and animals. They not only fixed names but they gave 
geographical terms which survive. ’ ’ 

For a hundred and fifty years before the Spanish made any 
pretense to occupy Texas they explored a large part of its terri¬ 
tory and formed a fairly correct idea of its geography and to¬ 
pography. Herbert E. Bolton tells us that as early as 1519 
Pineda, in the employ of Garay, Governor of Jamaica, explored 
the Mexican Gulf Coast from Florida to Tampico and back and 
made a map which showed with substantial accuracy the entire 
coast line of Texas. And that two years later on the basis of 
this exploration, Garay was granted a province called Amichel, 
which comprised the whole Gulf Coast from modern Alabama 
to Tampico. He tells us that Garay attempted to colonize the 
southern extremity of this vast province, but was frustrated by 
Cortez, who in 1522 founded a villa at Panuco. 

In 1528 two expeditions from Panuco explored the coast north¬ 
ward beyond the Rio Grande. In 1544 an expedition was made 
m which Father Olmos is said to have secured a tribe of Indians, 
known as the Olives, on Texas soil and took them back and settled 
them at Panuco. In 1558 an expedition headed by Bazares, 
started out from Vera Cruz to colonize Florida, but in latitude 


KOMA^CE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


9 


27° 30' he landed on the Texas coast. Coasting eastward in 
latitude 28° 30' he discovered and took possession of a bay which 
he called San Francisco, now supposed to have been Matagorda 
Bay. 

During the early part of Spanish explorations of Texas, Dr. 
Bolton tells us that the country had its share of romance, myths 
and fable which everywhere attended the Spanish conquest in 
America; that in Florida the Spaniards sought the Fountain of 
Youth; in South America the Eldorado; on the west coast of 
Mexico the Isle of the Amazons; in Arizona and New Mexico the 
Seven Cities of Cibola; on the coast of California the Strait of 
Anian. In Texas they searched for the Kingdom of Gran 
Quivira, where “everyone had their ordinary dishes made of 
wrought plate and the jugs and bowls were of gold;” for the 
Seven Hills of the Aijados where gold was so plentiful that “the 
natives not knowing any of the other metals, made of it every¬ 
thing needed such as vessels and the tips of arrows and lances; ’ ’ 
for the Sierra de la Plata (Silver Mountain) somewhere north 
of the Rio Grande; for the pearls of the Jumano Country; for 
the Great Kingdom of Quivira where were well built towns, each 
several miles in length. All these various quests and beliefs had 
made the Texas country an object of supreme interest to the 
Spaniards long before the landing of LaSalle on her shores. 

The story of the expedition into Texas of Father Rodriques, 
in 1581; of Espejo in 1582; of Castano de Sosa in 1590; of Bo¬ 
nilla and Humana in 1595, and of Juan de Onate in 1598 is full 
of romantic and tragic interest. Humana’s expedition was made 
in search of the fabled Gran Quivira. It has been said that as 
this expedition was returning from its search of Gran Quivira 
loaded with gold, that Humana and a part of his soldiers were in¬ 
tercepted and destroyed by a band of Indians at a point 200 
leagues northeast of Santa Fe, known in tradition as La ]Matanza 
(the death place). 

Another tradition has it that in 1601 Juan de Onate made an 
expedition in search of Gran Quivira. He had as his guide a 


10 


ROMAN'CE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


survivor of the Humana expedition. It is said that Onate trav¬ 
eled east, northeast and north 200 leagues from Santa Fe, reached 
La Matanza, where he received embassadors from the Kingdom 
of Quivira, had a terrible battle with the Escanjaques Indians, 
abandoned his search and returned home. 

In 1662 Don Diego le Penalosa, the discredited governor of 
New Mexico, claimed to have located the Kingdom of Gran 
Quivira. 

While the stories of the Kingdom of Gran Quivira were inter¬ 
esting so many people. Father Benavides of the mission of New 
Mexico, made a most interesting suggestion regarding the King¬ 
dom of Gran Quivira and Aixaos, which he described as rich in 
gold. His idea of subduing these kingdoms was to occupy a place 
in the Mexican Gulf known as the Bay of Espiritu Santo, which 
he said was less than 100 leagues from Quivira, and to operate 
from there against them. 

Nothing coming of this suggestion. Father Benavides issued a 
second memorial urging the carrying out of his plan. It appears 
that after waiting nearly a half century, the Spanish govern¬ 
ment took up Father Benavides’ proposals and were preparing 
to put them into execution before the landing of LaSalle on the 
Texas coast. 

An attempt was made in 1644 to locate Sierra de la Plata. 
General Juan de Zavala attempted it in 1648. In the meantime 
the search for Gran Quivira continued. 

When Juan Dominguez de Mendoza made his expedition to 
the Jumano Indians of the Nueces in 1684 great interest was 
centered on the Kingdoms of Gran Quivira and the Texas. The 
Texas were described as a settled people, who raised crops in 
abundance and were neighbors of Gran Quivira. In another ac¬ 
count furnished by Father Lopez, who accompanied Mendoza’s 
expedition, the Kingdom of Quivira was located twenty-five 
leagues from the Texas. 

When de Leon led his expedition into the eastern part of 
Texas in 1689 he was kindly received by the Chief of the Hasinai 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


11 


tribe of Indians, then known as the Texas. In May of that year 
he wrote as follows of the Texas: 

“The Texas are a very well governed people, and plant large 
quantities of maize, beans, calabash, cantaloupes and water¬ 
melons. They say they have nine settlements, I mean towns, 
the largest one being fifteen leagues long and eight or ten wide. 
It must contain eight hundred heads of families, each one having 
a large wooden house plastered with clay and roofed with lime. ’ ’ 

The bishop of Guadalajara in 1676 visited Coahuila, and while 
there he heard of the wonderful Kingdom of the Texas. In 
writing of this people he said; 

Coahuila has a neighbor on the north inclining somewhat to 
the east, a populous nation of people and so extensive that those 
who give detailed reports of them do not know where it ends. 
These (who give reports) are many, through having communi¬ 
cated with the people of that nation, which they call Texas, and 
who they maintain live under an organized government, congre¬ 
gated in their pueblos and governed by a casique who is named 
the Great Lord, as they call the one who rules them all, and who 
they say, resides in the interior. They have houses made of wood, 
cultivate the soil, plant maize and other crops, wear clothes and 
punish misdemeanors, especially theft. The Coahuilas do not give 
more detailed reports of the Texas because, they say, they are 
allowed to go only to the first pueblos of the border, since the 
Great Lord of the Texas does not permit foreign nations to enter 
the interior of the country.” 

The student of early Texas history owes a debt of gratitude to 
Dr. Herbert E. Bolton for his very interesting presentation of 
the romance, myths and traditions of the early period of Texas 
history. He has dug up from the long buried Spanish manu¬ 
scripts and records a treasure-house replete with bewildering 
stories of a country whose inhabitants reveled in great richness 
and where fabulous piles of gold and silver abounded. Besides 
enriching the history of the early period of Texas with heirlooms 
of fiction he has opened up a source of inspiration which quickens 


12 


ROMAlfCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


the faculties and encourages the student to dive deeper into the 
records of this most romantic period of exploration. 

The traditional account of the Kingdom of Gran Quivira, the 
Seven Hills of the Aijados, the Sierra de la Plata and the Great 
Kingdom of the Texas, appealed to the imagination and am¬ 
bitions of the early explorers and awakened within them desires 
of accomplishing something more important than any who had 
gone before them. 

The myths and fables and traditions of early Texas give a ro¬ 
mantic tinge to the history of its early period. The fables of 
early Texas history are similar to the fables of ancient Rome and 
Greece. 

A fable is but a story in which characters and plots are fabri¬ 
cated as the vehicle of instruction. They are made by individuals 
and may be told in any stage of a nation’s history. 

Myths are born, not made. They are born in the infancy of a 
people or a nation. They owe their features, says Gayley, ‘‘not 
to any one historic individual, but to the imaginative efforts of 
generations of story-tellers. ’ ’ 

The myths of Pandora, the first woman endowed by the im¬ 
mortals with heavenly graces, and of Prometheus, who stole 
fire from heaven for the use of man; the myth of the earth-born 
giants that in the beginning contended with the gods the sov¬ 
ereignty of the universe; the moon-goddess who with her nymphs 
pursued the beam across the azure of the heavens, 
germinated in some quaint and childish interpretation of natural 
events or in some fire-side fancy and are not more entrancing 
than the myths of Gran Quivira, the Seven Hills of Aijados and 
the Sierra de la Plata. 

These myths were the outcome of guesses at the truth or super¬ 
stitious attempts to satisfy the curiosity of primitive and un¬ 
enlightened people, to reveal the mysteries of existence. 

The astonishing thing about the whole matter is that the 
early explorei-s of Texas believed the stories which reached them 
regarding the wealth of the gold of Gran Quivira, the silver of 
Sierra de la Plata and the power, of the Kingdom of the Texas. 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


13 


It gives one a hint of the ideals which actuated them in their 
continued search for these mythical regions. 

That Texas was rich in romantic and mythical lore is plainly 
shown by the records the Spaniards left of their many voyages. 
The fields of exploration olfered rich material for the imagin¬ 
ation to deal with the fabulous traditions of this early period 
and gave to them the semblance of reality. 


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ANGELINA, THE INDIAN MAIDEN 


Her Romantic Career in the Spanish Missions—How Angelina 
River Got Its Name. 

There is a beautiful romance connected with the naming 
of one of the rivers of Eastern Texas. A romance of a weird 
character, of Christian piety and womanly grace. 

When Alonzo de Leon made his second visit to the Province of 
Texas, in 1690, accompanied by the Franciscan Father, Damian 
Manzanet, he established a mission in the then wilderness of 
Texas. The location of this mission has been ascertained to have 
been in a Hainai Indian village in' the territory now known as 
Houston County, on a beautiful little stream now known as 
San Pedro Creek, a tributary of the Neches river. 

When it became known to the native Indian tribes of that sec¬ 
tion that the Holy Father accompanying De Leon had come 
to the Province of Texas for the purpose of establishing missions 
among the Indians, a Chief of the Hainai tribe located farther 
up the country invited them to visit his village with the view 
of having them establish a mission for his people. De Leon and 
Father Manzanet accepted this generous invitation. When they 
reached this village they were kindly received by the Chief and 
his retinue of attendants and given the freedom of the village. 
It was a momentous event and became an epoch in the life of 
the village. Father Manzanet visited the quiet, peaceful wig¬ 
wams of the Indian villagers and found them kind and obliging. 
At one of their wigwams he found an Indian maiden with a 
bright intellect and prepossessing personal appearance. Her de¬ 
portment was the admiration of De Leon and Father Manzanet, 
who recognized in her an individual of superior cast and intel¬ 
ligence. She was described by Father Manzanet as '‘both modest 
and amiable.” When she learned of their mission she expressed 
an earnest desire to learn their language. She was urged by 
Father Manzanet to accompany him to the mission on San Pedro 
Creek. She did so, and Father Manzanet tells us that she was 


16 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


cordially received by the priests and soldiers and soon became 
deeply interested in her studies and work. Her quiet demeanor, 
studious habits and charming personality won the respect and 
esteem of all who came in contact with her. The soldiers at the 
mission treated her with great kindness and applied pet names 
to her and called her ‘‘Litle Angel,” and Father Manzanet re¬ 
named and called her native village “Angelina’s Village” and 
the stream which flowed by it “Angelina’s River.” He cared 
not for the fact that Spanish explorers had years before given 
this stream the name of Parcura del Espiritu Santo. 

Can you imagine what emotions entered the hearts and minds 
of the Holy Fathers as they looked in admiration and wonder 
upon this untutored Indian maiden. Can you imagine how they 
were entranced as they gazed into her piercing black eyes and 
saw in them tb^ spark of ambition pleading for sympathy and 
encouragement. They had found in the wilds of Texas one of 
the most remarkable personalities they had encountered during 
their long journey and they were amazed. 

When the mission was abandoned in 1693, Angelina had not 
progressed far enough to speak the Spanish language fluently 
and the presiding priest was anxious to have her continue her 
studies and work which charmed her. But to do so it became 
necessary for her to leave her people behind and accompany him 
to another mission in a far away country. This she elected to 
do and bidding her people farewell she journeyed with the Holy 
Father and soldiers to a mission on the Rio Grande, known as 
San Juan Bautista. Here she remained for many years. She 
studied hard and became fluent in speaking and VTiting the 
Spanish language. Her splendid character and Christian life 
made her famous throughout the country. She joined the church 
and was baptized and her example gave great courage to the 
Franciscan Fathers to extend mission building. When she re¬ 
turned to her native village she carried with her the blessings of 
the Holy Fathers at 3,fission San Juan Bautista and the esteem 
and good will of the soldiers and attendants of the mission. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


17 


When the Spanish concluded to re-establish the mission on 
San Pedro Creek, San Francisco Los Tejas, near the site of the 
old mission, she prevailed upon the Holy Fathers to establish a 
mission in her native village. This they did and gave it the 
name of Purissima Concepcion de Acuna. Angelina spent her 
time at the mission and rendered great assistance to the priests 
in their management of it. 

In 1719 the French invaded eastern Texas and the priests and 
soldiers abandoned the missions and fled before the invaders. 
But Angelina held her post at the mission Concepcion de Acuna. 
The French respected her authority and did not molest her or 
her mission. She did not confine her Christian charity to mission 
work alone, but gave relief to the distressed whenever an oppor¬ 
tunity was presented. 

In this same year the distinguished Frenchman, Belisle, met 
her at her villiage. The circumstances under which he met her 
are full of tragic interest. He had been placed in charge of a 
French colony of about 1000 persons destined to settle on the 
coast of Louisiana. But sailing too far west made landing at 
Matagorda Bay to procure water for his ships. While his sailors 
were procuring the water Belisle and four companions went 
ashore to hunt. They wandered far into the woods and became 
lost and could not find their way back to the ships. After wait¬ 
ing for sometime for their ■ return and hearing nothing from 
them the ships sailed out to sea to pursue their journey, thus 
leaving Belisle and his companions ashore. After wandering for 
many days they finally found their way back to their starting 
point, but alas! there were no ships to be seen. Despair took 
possession of them. They were in an awful plight. They were 
without provisions and had little ammunition. The woods were 
filled with the fiercest prowlers of the forest and heartless sav¬ 
ages occupied the coastline highlands. They were soon reduced 
to famishing conditions. His companions, less robust than he, 
perished from exposure and hunger. He was left alone. His only 
companion was a little dog which he had brought ashore when 
he landed at Matagorda Bay. He roamed the forest edges seeking 
safety from savage foes. He pursued a northern course in an 


18 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


attempt to reach Natchitoches, with whose location and condition 
he was familiar. He finally reached Angelina’s village, almost 
naked, half starved and bleeding from every pore. He made 
his way to Angelina’s humble home and made known to her his 
plight. She received him kindly, dressed his lacerated wounds 
inflicted by savages he had encountered. She fed him and 
clothed him and nursed him back to health. When he had re¬ 
covered sufficiently to travel she sent him on to Louisiana, al¬ 
though the French had but a short time previously driven the 
priests and soldiers from the village. 

Where can we find a similar instance of Christian charity and 
forbearance? This child of the wild rescuing the life of a mem¬ 
ber of a nation which had brought so much grief to her soul, 
teaches a lesson of Christian duty that nations would profit by 
learning. 

When in 1720 Aguayo came to Texas to drive the French from 
Eastern Texas and to re-establish the missions which had been 
abandoned, he was received with pomp at Angelina’s village and 
this Indian woman acted as interpreter. 

These two missions were moved to the San Antonio River in 
1731. Mission San Francisco de los Tejas was re-established 
about twelve miles below the city of San lAntonio. Its ruins are 
still recognized as Mission Espada. Angelina’s Mission, Puris- 
sima Concepcion de Acuna, was located further up the San An¬ 
tonio River and is now in the suburbs of San Antonio in a fair 
state of preservation and is known as Mission Concepcion. 

This mission has made its record in war as well as in romance. 
The first battle in the campaign to drive General Cos from San 
Antonio in 1835 was fought at this old mission, and is known 
as the battle of the Concepcion. 

Dr. Herbert E. Bolton of California, but formerly of the Texas 
State University, has enriched American literature by locating 
and translating the early Spanish records of Angelina, the In¬ 
dian maiden. In Bolton and Barker’s With the Makers of Texas 
we find the following: 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


19 


“In 1715, St. Denis, while on his way from Louisiana to the Mission San 
Juan Bautista, accompanied by an escort carrying merchandise, had oc¬ 
casion to stop at the Hainai Indian village, on a stream which is now in 
East Texas, w'here he had previously traded. Penicant, who was with him 
and who wrote an account of the journey, says: ‘ In this village we found 
a woman named Angelina who had been baptized by the Spanish priests. 
She spoke Spanish very well and as St. Denis was familiar with that lan¬ 
guage he employed her as chief interpreter.’ ” 

The history of the early missions in East Texas would be in¬ 
complete without recording the part that this Indian maiden 
played in their establishment and maintenance. That she was a 
factor in bringing the Spanish and Indians of that section to¬ 
gether in friendly intercourse and Christian fellowship, cannot 
be doubted. Her memory should be cherished for the part she 
took in keeping down strife during a period of doubt and uncer¬ 
tainty. Her activities in behalf of her people form an interesting 
and romantic chapter in the history of that period. 











SPANISH ALARMED—SEARCH FOR 
LASALLE’S COLONY 


Maritime and Land Expeditions—De Leon Locates LaSalle^s 
Fort—Found it Abandoned—Evidence of Indian Brutality — 
Its Discovery Creates Great Rejoicing. 

An account of the most interesting episode in Spanish history 
was secured by Dr. Edward E, Dunn while investigating 
the Spanish archives at Seville and Mexico City. It pertains to 
the events following the discovery of the Spanish that LaSalle 
had established a French colony on the Texas coast in 1685. Of 
course the Spanish knew nothing of LaSalle’s unfortunate error 
in landing on Texas soil, nor did they know of the disaster which 
had overtaken him and his colony. The fact that the French had 
invaded Spanish territory was sufficient to greatly disturb them. 
The writer has had an opportunity to read and study Dr. Dunn’s 
full and exhaustive report of the Spanish expedition in search 
of this colony, and in the preparation of this sketch he has drawn 
on this report as well as other authorities regarding these ex¬ 
peditions. 

The Spanish knew nothing of the landing of LaSalle on the 
Texas coast until about the middle of March, 1686, when a com¬ 
munication reached the Spanish court from Admirals Palacios 
and Astina and the Governor of Havana advising of the fact. 
The Council of the Indies met on March 27th, to consider the 
matter, but it was deferred until another meeting, April 2nd, 
to give time to examine the evidence presented in the communi¬ 
cation. At the meeting April 2nd, serious consideration was 
given the matter. There was little doubt in the minds of the 
Spanish that the information was reliable, as it was known that 
Pensacola had, six years before LaSalle’s expedition, made an 
effort to induce the French king to authorize an expedition 
of conquest of the proyinces of Quivira and Teguayo and the 
rich mines of northern Mexico. This information caused warn¬ 
ings to be sent to the colonial officers of New Spain to be on their 


22 ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 

guard against French aggression. But in spite of Spanish 
watchfulness, the king of Spain knew nothing of the second expe¬ 
dition of LaSalle. When the facts of LaSalle’s landing on the 
coast of Texas became known it was viewed as a most serious 
matter, and one that threatened the safety of the Indies, and the 
whole Spanish monarchy. The council, therefore, concluded that 
the expulsion of the French from the Bay of Espiritu Santo was 
a matter of supreme importance, and that all other things should 
be subordinated to it. It held that since the French had no right 
to intrude on the domain of the Spanish king, they might be 
expelled without violating the truce then in force between France 
and Spain. 

To accomplish the expulsion of the French from Spanish ter¬ 
ritory both maritime and land expeditions were undertaken. The 
exact location of LaSalle’s colony was not definitely known, al¬ 
though the Spanish had sufficient information to satisfy them 
that it was on or near the Bay of Espiritu Santo, on the Gulf 
of Mexico. Maps were sought and consulted and Spanish thought 
was focused on the unfamiliar region of the coast line of the Gulf 
of Mexico. Naval officers were called into consultation. Admiral 
Palacios thought that immediate and vigorous action was im¬ 
perative, and suggested to the viceroy that steps be at once taken 
to locate and destroy the French settlement. His plan was to 
send out maritime expeditions to examine the Gulf coast and 
ascertain the exact location of the colony. The recommendations 
of Admiral Palacios were adopted and he was instructed to select 
a suitable person to proceed to Havana where a vessel and neces¬ 
sary supplies for the proposed expedition would be furnished. 
All arrangements were left in the hands of Palacios. The other 
naval officers at Vera Cruz were instructed by the viceroy to 
co-operate with him in carrying out the plans for the expedition. 
The viceroy’s instructions were obeyed by the Vera Cruz officers 
and two pilots, Juan Enriquez Barroto and Antonio Romero, 
were selected to make the voyage. Barroto was chosen leader. 
With instructions from Admiral Palacios for their guidance, 
Barroto and Romero left Vera Cruz, November 21, Avith instruc- 


KOMAXCE AND TKAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


23 


tions from Viceroy Conde de Paredes to the governor of Ha¬ 
vana for fitting out a vessel for the voyage of exploration. They 
reached Havana December 3rd and delivered the viceroy ^s orders 
to the acting military governor of the port, Don Andres de 
Munibe. A vessel and a crew of forty-two men were furnished. 
Volunteers swelled the number to fifty-two men. The expedi¬ 
tion set sail January 3, 1^87. Provisions were stored for ninety 
days’ voyage. Additional cannons were secured and a canoe was 
purchased to enable the crew to navigate the shallow waters 
along the coast. Among the volunteers, who accompanied the 
expedition, was pilot Juan Jordon de Reina. Reina kept a diary 
of the voyage which supplies the information secured by Prof. 
Dunn and other investigators of early Spanish history. Barroto 
was instructed to make a close inspection of the bays and inlets 
of the Gulf in an effort to locate the French. The vessel landed 
at Apache Bay, January 17, having been delayed on account of 
a storm in the Gulf. On February 6th it arrived at Pensacola 
Bay. On March 4th it reached the mouth of the Mississippi River. 
From this point it was driven to sea by a storm. By this time 
supplies had run low, and no attempt to return to the coast to 
continue search for the French was made, and the vessel turned 
its course to Vera Cruz, reaching there March 13th. Seventy 
days had been consumed on this voyage and no trace of the 
French or the Bay of Espiritu had been discovered. 

This expedition having failed to accomplish its object. Ad¬ 
miral Palacios expressed an opinion that a second expedition 
should be formed to continue the exploration of the Gulf Coast. 
In the meantime the forming of a land expedition was taking 
place. Palacios’ suggestion that a second maritime expedition 
be formed was delayed for the time because the king had granted 
an asionto to Martin de Echagary for the exploration of the 
Gulf Coast and the Bay of Espiritu Santo. This asionto was 
given to Echagary in 1685, and after information had reached 
Spain that Pensacola had sought the consent of the king of 
France to undertake the conquest of Quivira and Teguayo and 
the rich mines of Northern Mexico. No report had reached the 


24 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


Spanish King regarding Echagary’s expedition and he elected 
to postpone further maritime expeditions until information had 
been received from the Governor of Florida as to the result of it. 

The proposition for a land expedition to search for the French 
colony had been pushed and met the approval of the viceroy. 
And on November 19th he instructed the authorities at Vera 
Cruz to report to him the best way of making such an expedition, 
and instructed them at the same time to find a suitable person 
to lead it. Admiral Palacios was greatly pleased at the turn of 
affairs as he had suggested such an expedition. He and the 
other officers at Vera Cruz, including the governor, began at 
once to carry out the viceroy's instructions. They agreed that the 
Governor of Nuevo Leon, the Marques de San Miguel de Aguayo, 
should organize the expedition. Their selection of Aguayo met 
the approval of the viceroy and on January 20, 1688, the viceroy 
ordered him to organize the expedition. From some cause, not 
disclosed in the Spanish records, the viceroy’s instruction did 
not reach Aguayo until the following June. Having no personal 
knowledge of the location of the Bay of Espiritu Santo, he called 
a council of the leading men of the province to discuss the expe¬ 
dition. It developed at the conference that no one of the as¬ 
sembled group possessed any knowledge of the Bay of Espiritu 
Santo although these frontier men were supposed to be familiar 
with the surrounding country through the many campaigns 
they had made against the Indians. In fact it developed that 
little was known of the vast domain east of the Rio Grande. They 
did know this much, however, that the country was inhabited 
by hostile tribes of Indians. The seriousness of the situation 
spurred the Spanish to action and they agreed to raise and equip 
a force of fifty men to explore the country supposed to be oc¬ 
cupied by the French, and to follow the coast until the French 
settlement was discovered. They also agreed to meet again June 
25th at the town of Caderita, when a route for the expedition 
was to be agreed upon and the leader selected. Alonzo de Leo'i 
was chosen leaJer. It was agreed that the expedition would pro¬ 
ceed to the junction of the Rio San Juan and the Rio Grande 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


25 


and descend the latter river to the sea, then follow the coast 
until the French settlement was located. Little is known of the 
route taken by de Leon after having passed east of the Rio 
Grande. It is known, however, that he did not proceed very far 
east of the Rio Grande before he encountered high water and 
abandoned his plans and turned back. Thus the second effort 
under the government of Viceroy Paredes to locate the French 
colony was a failure. But the Spaniards, having been aroused 
over the purported French invasion, did not lose their enthu¬ 
siasm for the destruction of the French colony. In September a 
new viceroy, la Monclova, arrived in Mexico with instructions 
from the King of Spain to spare no effort to discover the French 
settlement. Monclova entered upon his task with enthusiasm. 
He summoned pilots Barroto and Romero and secured from 
them the particulars of the failure of the expedition conducted 
by them. Another maritime expedition was agreed upon. Special 
boats were constructed, equipped and manned. They carried 
provisions for three and a half months. One of the boats was 
placed under the command of Captain Martin de Rivas, with 
Barroto as chief pilot; the other was placed under the command 
of Captain Antonio de Iriate, with Romero as chief pilot. Cap¬ 
tains Rivas and Iriate were instructed to proceed from Vera 
Cruz to Tampico where they were to secure two natives who 
should serve both as pilots and as interpreters. They were in¬ 
structed to examine carefully all rivers and inlets along the 
coast from Tampico to latitude 30 degrees, within which distance 
it was confidently expected that the Bay of Espiritu Santo would 
be found. With the churches of Vera Cruz offering up prayers 
for the success of the expedition, the two vessels set sail on 
Christmas Day, 1686. Tampico was reached December 28th, and 
here they remained for more than two months on account of 
stormy weather. The voyage was resumed March 7th. They pro¬ 
ceeded slowly, taking time to make a close inspection of the 
mouth of a river the Spanish called Rio de los Flores, which was 
doubtless our modern San Antonio River, they discovered the 
wreckage of a vessel. On April 4th they reached a bay which 


26 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


was called San Bernardo. While examining this body of water 
another wrecked vessel was found dashed upon the sand which 
bore unmistakable signs of French ownership. A band of In¬ 
dians w'as encountered from whom an attempt was made to se¬ 
cure information concerning the wrecked vessels but the in¬ 
terpreters were unable to understand their language. The lead¬ 
ers of the expedition felt assured that the wrecked vessels had 
belonged to LaSalle’s expedition, never suspecting that the 
French colony was located in the immediate vicinity, as the land, 
as far as they could see, was low and swampy. 

Thus the expedition continued its search east, along the coast, 
going as far as Mobile Bay, without ever suspecting they had 
really explored the bay for which they were searching. After 
spending a short time on the coast of Florida the expedition 
proceeded to Havana, arriving there June 7th. From Havana 
the expedition set sail for Vera Cruz, reaching there July 3rd, 
after an absence of six months. Thus ended the second maritime 
expedition in search of the French settlement. 

A few days previous to the arrival of the second expedition 
at Vera Cruz, the viceroy had fitted out an expedition to locate 
the long-delayed expedition and gave it similar instructions re¬ 
garding the search of the coast as was given to Rivas and Iriate. 
Two frigates were employed in this undertaking. Andres de 
Fez and Francisco de Gomarra w^ere selected to head the expedi¬ 
tion. This expedition proceeded along the same route of the 
second expedition. It discovered the same wrecked vessels but 
no trace of the French colony. It returned to Vera Cruz in 
September without having accomplished anything. 

On the return of the third expedition to Vera Cruz the vice¬ 
roy summoned its leaders to the City of ]\Iexico for consultation. 
Barroto took with him maps and a diary of the complete voyage. 
On the day on which this was being held in the City of Mexico 
the viceroy received a letter from the Spanish ambassador, Don 
Pedro Ronquillo, in London, enclosing an official account of 
the voyage of LaSalle. This rei)ort told of LaSalle’s landing on 
the Texas coast; of the wreck of the two vessels, and of the es- 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


27 


tablishment of Fort St. Louis. This report added still greater 
interest to the effort to locate the French colony. 

A fourth maritime expedition was formed by the viceroy to 
locate the supposed French village on the Texas coast, reported 
by one Ralph Wilkinson, an English pirate. Wilkinson claimed 
to have visited a French village called Saint Jean, on a river 
emptying into Bay of Espiritu Santo. His description of this 
village aroused the interest of the Spaniards, and the viceroy, 
though doubting his statements, concluded to organize an ex¬ 
pedition to search for Saint Jean. Barroto and Pez were called 
upon again and ordered to explore the region described by 
Wilkinson. This, the fourth maritime expedition, left Vera Cruz 
earlj^ in March, 1688. Slowly and carefully the rivers, bays and 
inlets of the coast were again searched, but at no time did they 
find any evidence to confirm Wilkinson’s stbry. The leaders 
of the expedition began to doubt Wilkinson’s statement. When 
it reached Cape Lodo, Wilkinson was asked where Saint Jean 
was located. He replied that he did not know; that he himself 
had never visited it, but had heard of it through Frenchmen in 
Yucatan. This answer greatly exasperated the Spaniards and 
they secured from him a signed statement admitting that he had 
no personal knowledge of the village called Saint Jean. After 
this occurrence there was nothing left to do except to abandon 
the search and the expedition returned to Vera Cruz, reaching 
there April 24th. Thus the fourth maritime expedition had 
proved a failure. 

But as these failures multiplied, interest in the stories of a 
French settlement grew and soon thereafter a fifth maritime 
expedition was organized to locate the French settlement on the 
coast. It was placed under Rivas and Pez and left Vera Cruz 
August 8, 1688. They were instructed to explore every river 
and inlet with great care from the Rio Grande to San Bernardo 
Bay. This expedition was undertaken after the capture by De 
Leon of a Frenchman by the name of Jean Henri, living among 
the Indians. Jean Henri told of the French settlement near the 
Bay Espiritu Santo and of the landing of LaSalle on the coast. 


28 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


The expedition closely followed the instructions of the viceroy. 
They visited San Bernardo Bay and spent some time in explor¬ 
ing it, but the rivers entering it were low and they were not 
ascended. Finding no evidence of a French settlement anywhere 
along the coast, the expedition started on its return voyage Sep¬ 
tember 29th. Rivas and Fez found that a new viceroy, in the 
person of Conde de Galve, had been appointed to succeed Mon- 
clova. They turned over to the new viceroy their niap and diaries 
of the voyage. Galve let it be known that there would be no fur¬ 
ther efforts to locate the French colony through maritime expe¬ 
ditions, but that a further search would be made by land expedi¬ 
tions from the northern frontier. In the meantime a land 
expedition was being planned under the instructions of Viceroy 
Monclova. Viceroy Galve made no changes in the plans of this 
expedition. This expedition was to be headed by Alonso de Leon. 
It left Coahuila early in the spring of 1689, having as its guide 
the captured Frenchman, Jean Henri. After crossing the Rio 
Grande, an Indian claiming to be able to locate the French set¬ 
tlement was employed to go as assistant in guiding the expedi¬ 
tion. The expedition, according to Dr. William E. Dunn, ‘‘was 
^nade up of ten men from each of the presidios of Cassa 
Grande, Conchos, Cerro Gordo, El Gallo and Cuencana in Neuva 
Vicarya, and fifty men from the settlement of Coahuila and 
Nueva Leon.^' The expedition began its march northeastward. 
On April 14th the troops arrived at a river which Leon named 
Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, in honor of the patron saint of 
the expedition. On the following day they reached a water 
course. Here Leon was informed that the French settlement was 
not far away. A council of war was held and it was decided to 
send forth a part of the troops to reconnoiter. The main body 
halted and Leon proceeded with the reconnoitering party which 
visited some Indian villages where they secured additional in¬ 
formation regarding the French village. The scouting party re¬ 
joined the main force and, on the 21st, the entire expedition set 
out on its march. On the 22nd the expedition reached the long 
sought French settlement. It was found to be deserted. On all 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


29 


sides were evidences of cruel Indian attacks. Household furni¬ 
ture, pictures and expensive books were scattered about the 
buildings in great confusion and no sign of a living being could 
be found. All that remained of a settlement which had given 
Spanish authorities so much concern was but a mute reminder 
of the folly of confidence in the friendship of a relentless Indian 
foe. The mystery of a French settlement and the Bay of Espiritu 
Santo had been solved, and when Leon made known his discovery 
it created great rejoicing throughout the Spanish provinces. 

Closely following the discovery of LaSalle’s fort, the Spanish 
began a real occupancy of Texas by the establishment of mis¬ 
sions and presidios among the Indian tribes of Eastern Texas. 
But as these activities belong to another phase of Spanish history 
we will not enter into their discussion here. 



4 



FATHER MARGIL 



4 


•N, 




I 


f 

I .s 


f 


¥ 


9 1 


























SOME EARLY SPANISH MISSIONS IN TEXAS—OBJECT 
OF THEIR ESTABLISHMENT 

Their Management and Final Desertion. 

Early Missions on the Rio Grande—De Leon Visits the Indians 
of Eastern Texas—Established Missions Among Them—Indian 
Raids on the Missions—Date of Establishment of Important 
Missions—Glimpses of Spanish Ride in Texas. 

The story of the old Spanish Missions is so interwoven with the 
liistory of Spanish occupancy of Texas that one can not be dis¬ 
cussed separate from the other. When the Spaniards concluded to 
actually occupy Texas and to send representatives to the country 
to blaze the way for civilization, they found the country inhab¬ 
ited by countless bands of Indians representing many tribes and 
linguistic groups. Some of the Indians occupied permanent 
habitations while others were roving bands, savage and cannibal¬ 
istic in their habits. The more enlightened tribes had their per¬ 
manent villages and headquarters in the eastern portion of the 
country and occupied that vast territory from the Red River to 
the coast. The Spaniards had a vague knowledge of the nature 
and location of the different linguistic groups, as earlier ex¬ 
plorers had left records which gave an idea of what they might 
expect to find. 

It might be said here, as a historic fact, that Spain’s claim to 
Texas dates from 1519 when Pineda, in the employ of Garay, 
Governor of Jamaica, made an expedition on the Gulf coast from 
Florida to Tampico and back, in which he explored the coast of 
Texas and made a map of that part of the country. In 1521, 
on a basis of his right to territory because of this exploration, 
Garay was granted a province called ^‘Amichel,” which em¬ 
braced the whole Gulf coast from Mobile Bay to Tampico. This 
was the first act of which we find record setting out Spain’s 
claim to Texas. 


32 


KOMANCE AND TKAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


Before Spain took steps to actually occupy Texas a portion of 
the country was again explored that an idea might be had of its 
topography, climate and adaptation to colonization. Its occu¬ 
pancy had long been contemplated, but not executed, until near 
the close of the seventeenth century. It was brought about as a 
result of facts regarding LaSalle’s accidental landing having 
reached the Spanish Court. A determination to take actual pos¬ 
session of the country was made, and several maritime and land 
expeditions were undertaken for the purpose of driving the 
French from the country. The first real steps to occupy Texas 
were made by De Leon in 1689. His was the fourth land expedi¬ 
tion. On this expedition De Leon was accompanied by Father 
Manzanet, and after visiting the abandoned LaSalle fort, near 
Matagorda Bay, they proceeded into the interior of the country 
as far as the Colorado River. Here they conferred with the chief 
of the Nabedache tribe of Indians regarding the establishment of 
a mission among his people. The Nabedache tribe belonged to the 
Hainai Confederacy, which occupied a large territory in Eastern 
Texas. As a result of this conference De Leon and Father Man¬ 
zanet agreed to return the following year and found a mjssion 
among them. De Leon returned to Mexico and he and Father 
IVIanzanet laid their plans before the viceroy, who endorsed the 
plan agreed upon. Accordingly, on March 27, 1690, De Leon and 
Father Manzanet started on their return trip to Texas and 
founded a mission in the westernmost village of the Hainai Con¬ 
federacy. This was the first mission established in Eastern 
Texas. Thus began the mission era in Texas. 

In the establishment of missions in the province of Texas, 
the Spanish government was carrying out the plans of the Fran¬ 
ciscan Fathers to convert the Indians to the Christian religion. 
Many failures came to their efforts but these failures were but 
to solidify their Christian patience. In their efforts to guide the 
savage to the Christian faith these sturdy and faithful Fathers 
endured many hardships and privations. So great was their 
faith in the accomplishment of their religious desires, that in 
spite of obstacles—of desertion, of drouth and famine, of sick- 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


33 


ness, of pestilence—they labored on and on with patience and 
forbearance. The story of their struggles, of their faith, and of 
their patient toil is coupled with the story of treachery, of rapine 
and of murder. In coming to the then wilderness of Texas these 
Fathers left behind them homes of comfort, plenty and peace; 
and plunging into the vortex of strife and uncertainty, they 
abandoned hope of a life of ease and quiet. They thought not of 
self, but of those unfortunate beings ignorant of God’s mercies, 
but accountable to Him for every deed committed. The saving 
of souls w^as, to these faithful friars, above earthly treasures. 

When De Leon returned to Texas in 1690 he was instructed 
to visit the Texas Indians and ascertain if they would receive 
missionaries, and if they manifested a willingness to receive 
them, to conduct Fray Damien Manzanet, with such other Fran¬ 
ciscan Fathers as Manzanet should select, to the village of the 
Tejas, and assist him in establishing a mission there. De Leon 
marched to the chief village of the Tejas tribe of Indians (the 
Hainai Confederacy), arriving there May 22, 1690. He and his 
party were received with kindness by the governing chief and 
informed that they desired that the missionaries remain with 
them. Father Manzanet had selected to accompany him, in the 
missionary work he was preparing to undertake, three Franciscan 
Fathers: Fray Miguel Fontecuberta, Francisco de Jesus Maria, 
and Antonio Bordoy. When De Leon was advised that the In¬ 
dians desired that the missionaries remain with them, he at once 
selected a site and began the erection of a chapel and a dwelling 
house for the missionaries. By the end of May all the mission 
buildings had been completed, and on June 1st the mission was 
dedicated with religious ceremonies. 

Thus, on June 1, 1690, the MISSION SAN FRANCISCO DE 
LOS TEXAS was founded. The three friars selected by Father 
Manzanet were placed in charge, with the Father Fontecuberta 
as governing head. On June 2nd De Leon set out on his return, 
leaving three soldiers to protect the mission. 

The location of this mission has been almost certainly ascer¬ 
tained. Spanish writers state that it was located about forty-five 


34 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


miles southwest of the ^lission Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, 
the present site of Nacogdoches. It was situated on the east side 
of the Trinity River near the Neches, in the territory now known 
as Houston County. Dr. Herbert E. Bolton, one of the highest 
authorities on early Spanish history, concluded that it was lo¬ 
cated about four and a half miles from the mouth of San Pedro 
Creek, seven or eight miles from the point where the old San 
Antonio road crossed the Neches river. 

The establishment of this mission came from the desire of the 
Franciscan Fathers to convert the Indians in that section to the 
Christian religion. While that was a commendable ambition, it 
was soon demonstrated that it was undertaking almost the im¬ 
possible. The faith of the friars was based upon the reliance 
they placed upon the friendship of the Indians. But this friend¬ 
ship was more largely dependent upon the number and nature 
of gifts bestowed upon them than their desire to be benefited 
from the occupancy of their villages by the missionaries. As a 
consequence, the history of this mission is a tragic one. Sickness 
and death visited it, and a spirit of rebellion followed. It was 
harassed from within and from without, and in 1693 the vice¬ 
roy ordered its abandonment. The friars and soldiers buried 
what property they could not carry with them and departed. 

The mission was revived in 1716 under the name of San Fran¬ 
cisco de los Neches, and in 1730 it was transferred to the San 
Antonio River near San Antonio, when it became known as Mis¬ 
sion San Francisco de la Espada. 

When re-established in 1716 it was located at the village of 
the Neches tribe of Indians, near the east bank of the Neches 
River. The old site is located in the territory now known as the 
southeastern part of Cherokee County. It is the property of the 
old Morrill Orchard Company. 

MISSION ED SANTISSIMO NOMBRE DE MARIA was es¬ 
tablished by Jesus Maria in 1691. From the most reliable Span¬ 
ish records available, we conclude that it was located among the 
Nebadache tribe, a league up the Neches River from the crossing 
of San Antonio road, and a league and a half northeast of Mis- 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


35 


sion San Francisco de los Texas. Like the Mission de los Texas, 
it had a brief and checkered career. The tribe of Indians, for 
whose benefit it was established, showed little inclination to 
patronize it. The Fathers in whose keeping it was placed la¬ 
bored earnestly and patiently with the Indians, in an effort to 
give them the benefit of Christian instruction, but they made 
little headway. Consequently, when orders came from the vice¬ 
roy to abandon the Mission San Francisco de los Texas, this mis¬ 
sion was likewise abandoned and the missionaries transferred to 
other missions. 

MISSION SAN JOSE DE LOS NASONIS was the name 
given the mission established in 1716 by Espinosa at the chief vil¬ 
lage of the Nasoni tribe of Indians. This village was located, ac¬ 
cording to accounts given of it by Teran, about eleven leagues 
northwest of the mission at Nacogdoches, near the northwestern 
boundary of present Nacogdoches County, on Bills Creek, a head¬ 
water tributary of Shawnee Creek. It was abandoned in 1719 
when the French threatened the invasion of Texas, but was re¬ 
established by Aguayo in 1720. It was moved to the San Antonio 
River, near San Antonio, in 1729, where it now exists as Mission 
San Jose. 

MISSION NUESTRA DE GAUDALUPE was established by 
Father Ramon at the chief village of the Nacogdoches tribe of 
Indians in 1716. When war broke out between France and Spain 
in 1719, the French attacked Mission Los Adaes, and its inhab¬ 
itants fled towards San Antonio de Bexar. As they fled they 
advised the missionaries at Nuestra de Guadalupe and other 
East Texas missions, of the attack, and all the East Texas mis¬ 
sions were abandoned. Soon after this invasion by the French, 
Marquis San Miguel de Aguayo offered to the viceroy his for¬ 
tune and personal services to go to Texas and drive the French 
from Spanish territory. His offer was accepted and Aguayo 
was appointed Governor of Texas. This was in 1720. Aguayo 
marched with a small army to Texas and on to Adaes. On arriv¬ 
ing at the latter place he learned that the French had abandoned 


36 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


their threatened invasion. While on this expedition his troops 
camped in the abandoned grounds of the Mission at Nacogdoches. 
He reached Nacogdoches July 15th. He re-established the mis¬ 
sion there and on July 18th a new church building was dedi¬ 
cated. Father Margil, on behalf of the College of Zacatecas, took 
possession and Father Joseph Roisques was appointed governing 
missionary. Mission Guadalupe continued without interruption 
until 1773. In 1779, Antonio Gil y Barbo laid the foundation of 
modern Nacogdoches with his band of refugees from Bucareli 
on the Trinity River. The site of modern Nacogdoches is exactly 
that of the old Nacogdoches village at the opening of the eigh¬ 
teenth century. 

MISSION SAN XAVIER DE NAXERA was established on 
the outskirts of San Antonio in 1722 by Marquez de Aguayo. In 
1726 it was merged with Mission San Antonio de Valero. This 
mission was established for the Hyerbipcamos tribe of Indians. 
This tribe of Indians was kept separate from the tribes at other 
missions for a brief time only, as in 1726 the baptism of the In¬ 
dians of this tribe were entered upon the books of Mission San 
Antonio de Valero. Mission Concepcion was founded on the 
same site in 1731. 

MISSION NUESTRA SENORA DE LOS DOLORES was es¬ 
tablished among the Ais tribe of Indians in 1717. The site of this 
old mission lies half a mile south of the present town of San 
Augustine, on the old San Antonio and Natchitoches road, now 
known as the King’s Highway. When it was founded, it was 
placed under the Zalatecian friars whose governing priest had 
his headquarters at Mission Nuestra Senore de Guadalupe. It 
was established to serve the Indians of the Ais or Adaes tribe 
belonging to the Red River group of Caddoans or Caddos. It 
seems that Father Margil was for a time located at this mis¬ 
sion, as Spanish chroniclers recite that the missionaries of Mission 
Los Adaes were on a visit to him there when Los Adaes was at¬ 
tacked by the French in 1719. Mission de los Dolores was aban¬ 
doned on the approach of the French under the command of Don 
Luis Saint Denis, but was re-established by Aguayo in 1720. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


37 


MISSION LA PURISSIMA CONCEPTION was founded at 
the village of the Hainai tribe of Indians. This village was the 
capital of the Hainai Confederacy. Here was the chief temple of 
the Hainai group, presided over by Xines, or high priest. This 
village lay almost west of Nacogdoches, near the east bank of the 
Angelina River, and near the Lin wood crossing of that stream 
by the old San Antonio road. Dr. Herbert Bolton, after a per¬ 
sonal investigation of the grounds, concluded that the site of this 
mission and presidio was just west of the present town of Doug¬ 
las, in Nacogdoches County. 

MISSION ESPIRITU SANTO DE ZUNIGA was founded in 
1722 and located near the lower Lavaca River, near the site of 
LaSalle’s fort. In 1726 it was removed to the Guadalupe River, 
to a site known as Mission Valley. In 1749 it was again removed. 
This time it was located on the San Antonio River, the site of 
the present Goliad. This mission was originally designed for 
the Karankawan tribe of Indians who lived in its immediate 
surroundings. Several families of the Araname Indians entered 
the mission, but soon deserted it through the influence of the 
Tancagues and Bidais with whom they remained for a short time. 
As their number was increased by other fugitives of their own 
tribe, they withdrew and continued a life of vagabondage.s 

MISSION SAN FRANCISCO SOLANO was founded at La 
Cienega del Rio Grande in 1700. It was soon thereafter moved 
to San Ildefonso, then back to its original site, and finally, in 
1718, it was moved to San Antonio. 

MISSION NUESTRA SENORA DEL REFUGIO was estab¬ 
lished for the Karankawan group of Indians in 1793. It was 
originally located at a village called by Father Garza, Refugio, 
on the San Antonio River near its junction with the Guadalupe. 
Trouble arose over the choice of this site in 1794 and, as a con- 
seciuence, in 1795 it was moved to a site on Capano Bay. 

MISSION NUESTRA SENORA DEL ROSARIO was 
founded in 1754 for the Karankawan group of Indians, of the 
Texas coast country. The principal tribes of this group were 


38 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


the Cujanes, Carancaguaces, Guapites, Cocos and Copanes. 
These tribes were closely inter-related and spoke a dialect of the 
same language. This group, however, is referred to by early 
Spanish writers as the Coxanes. Dr. Herbert Bolton says that 
these tribes did not occupy well defined localities, but mingled 
freely with each other. ‘‘ And yet,’’ he says, ‘‘in a general way, 
the characteristic habitat of each can be designated with some 
certainty.'’ The Carancaguaces dwelt more commonly in the 
narrow fringe of islands extending along the coast to the east 
and west of Matagorda Bay; the Cocos dwelt on the mainland 
east of Matagorda Bay about the lower Colorado River; the 
Cujanes and Guapites on either side of the bay, particularly to 
the west of it; and the Copanes, west of the mouth of San An¬ 
tonio River, about Copano Bay, to which this tribe has given its 
name. These tribes led a roving life. They were powerful physi¬ 
cally and were warlike in their nature and were frequently at 
war with the interior tribes. To the whites they were particularly 
dangerous. From the earliest Spanish records they were re¬ 
garded as cannibals. 

The failure of earlier missions to influence these Indians did 
not deter the Spanish from making later attempts to bring them 
under mission regulations. The question of re-establishing mis¬ 
sions to congregate and convert these tribes came up in 1750 
when the viceroy urged the colonization of all the Indians oc¬ 
cupying the whole territory of the Rio Grande. The viceroy ad¬ 
vised that the Indians were to be treated with utmost kindness 
and supplied with the necessities of life. Fray Dolores sent gifts 
to the Cujanes and promised to send missionaries among them 
and attempted to gather them together in Missions. Thus, the 
Mission Rosario was founded. It was located, according to Span¬ 
ish writers, four leagues from the Presidio of Bahia (Goliad). 
The exact location of the mission is in doubt, although ruins of 
an old building are to be seen four miles west of Goliad and one- 
half mile south of the San Antonio River. 

The Indians who were housed here proved hard to manage and 
gave the Spanish much trouble. Father Solis visited Mission 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


39 


Rosario while on a tour of inspection in 1758, and in his report 
as given by Dr. Bolton, from whose account the main facts of 
the early Texas missions are taken, says: 

‘ ‘ The Indians for which this Mission was founded are the Coxanes, 
Guapites, Carancaguares and Copanes; of the last there are but few, as 
most of them are in the woods or on the banks of some of the many rivers 
in those parts or with another nation. They are all barbarous, idle and 
l^^y, yet rather than stay in the Missions where the padre provides them 
everything needed to eat and wear, they prefer to suffer hunger, nakedness, 
in order to be at liberty and idle in the woods or on the beach, giving them¬ 
selves up to all kinds of vice, especially lust, theft and dancing.’’ 

MISSION NUESTRA DE LA LUZ was founded in 1756 for 
the Arcoquisac Indians. It was located, according to Dr. Bolton, 
“near a lagoon a short distance east of the left bank of the 
Trinity River, some two leagues from the head of Trinity Bay, 
or near the north line of the present Chambers County. It was 
established at the headquarters village of the Arcoquisac Indians. 
The Spanish had two objects to accomplish when they established 
this mission: (1) to Christianize the Indians and (2) to prevent 
the French from securing a foothold in that section of the 
country. ’ ’ 

That vast territory of the lower Trinity River had previously 
been neglected by the Spanish authorities, but when in early 
1745 the viceroy received a letter from Don Orobio Bazterra, 
the captain of the Presidio at Bahia de Espiritu Santo, inform¬ 
ing him of the rumor that the French had established a settle¬ 
ment on the lower Trinity River, steps were immediately taken 
to explore that region. Bazterra was instructed to visit the lower 
Trinity River section. This he did, but he found no trace of the 
French settlement. While among the Indians of that section, 
Bazterra ascertained that they favored the idea of having a mis¬ 
sion established among them. Thus, in 1756, Presidio San Augus¬ 
tine de Ahumada and Mission Nuestra Senora de la Luz were 
established. The first missionaries to this mission were Friars 
Bruno Chavira and IMarcos Satereny. Friar Chavira died June 
27, 1757. He was succeeded by Friar Francisco Caro. Two years 
later Friar Abadde Jesus Maria became the head missionary. In 


40 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


a letter addressed to the viceroy soon after arriving at the mis¬ 
sion, he describes the mission buildings as having been made of 
hewn wood and beaten clay mixed with moss, with four arched 
portals. “This building,"' he adds, “because of its strength and 
arrangements, is the most pleasing of all those in the lands of 
the Spanish and French, or it would be if Your Excellency 
should be pleased to have completed its structure, which for the 
present has been suspended." ’ The viceroy, however, seemed not 
to be favorably impressed with the location of this mission for 
as early as January 27, 1757, he ordered the missionaries to 
transport it to Santa Rosa. The Indians protested against this 
transfer, and to pacify them Governor Barrios suggested di¬ 
viding the missionary forces; leaving one friar at this mission 
with a small guard of soldiers, the other going to Santa Rosa, 
where it had previously been decided to establish a garrison and 
mission and to gather the Arcoquisac and Badai Indians into one 
settlement. A commission was appointed by Governor Barrios 
to select a site or sites. Lieutenant Del Rio and Don Bernardo 
Miranda were selected with instructions that each make inde¬ 
pendent surveys. On August 26th they submitted their reports to 
Governor Barrios and Father Romeior, whom the viceroy had 
designated as aide in selecting a suitable location. They reported 
that the garrison be established on the arroyo of Santa Rosa del 
Accayar (San Jacinto), about the center of the Arcoquisac 
tribe. So pleased did Governor Barrios appear to be with the 
description of the Santa Rosa location that he had it surveyed, 
appointed two expert surveyors. Morales and Hernandez, to 
survey and plat the Santa Rosa environments. Their report was 
made in October, 1757, and was most favorable to the site near 
El Gardo's village at the junction of two small streams joining 
the Santa Rosa west of the San Jacinto River, about twelve miles. 
From these Spanish records Prof. Bolton concluded that the lo¬ 
cation was most likely on INIill and Spring Creeks in present 
Harris County. 

In November, Barrios recommended to the viceroy that three 
missions, instead of one, be established. The viceroy approved 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


41 


these recommendations and soon thereafter ordered that the 
presidio be removed from San Augustine Ahumada, but to pre¬ 
vent the French from entering the lower Trinity River section, 
that each week a squad of soldiers reconnoiter San Augustine 
Ahumada. He also instructed the missionaries to transfer Mis¬ 
sion Nuestra Senora de la Luz with all the neophites to the new 
site. In the meantime the government at Mexico City provided 
80,000 pesos to be expended to equip and transport the Indians 
and attaches from San Augustine Ahumada and Mission Nuestra 
de la Luz to the new settlement. Barrios was instructed to take 
charge of recruiting, and was ordered to take from Saltillo fifty 
saddle horses, fifty brood mares, twenty-five cows, nine thou¬ 
sand, one hundred and twenty-five sheep and six yoke of oxen. 
He was further instructed to purchase at Adaes, the capitol of 
the province, such other supplies as were needed. Each family 
was to be supplied with agricultural implements, a gun and 
sabre for defense. 

Before any active work was done to mobilize families or to re¬ 
move the Indians and presidio and mission from the lower Trin¬ 
ity River, new and perplexing problems arose. Up to this time 
Governor Barrios appeared enthusiastic over the plans of aban¬ 
doning San Augustine Ahumada and concentrating at Santa 
Rosa. But he let it be known that he opposed the settlement at 
Santa Rosa. He reported to the viceroy that he had been de¬ 
ceived by Miranda as to the eligibility of Santa Rosa, and that 
a personal visit to Santa Rosa by himself and Father Vellejo 
proved that Santa Rosa was unsuitable for a settlement, but that 
a place called El Atascosita and sometimes El Atascosoy los 
Tranquillos, on the Trinity, some nineteen miles above San 
Augustine Ahumada, was a suitable location. This turn of af¬ 
fairs took place while the viceroy was endeavoring to arrange 
to carry out the original recommendations of Barrios. In the 
meantime the missionary at Nuestra Senora de la Luz, Fray 
Joseph Francisco Caro, wrote to his superior, Father Vallejo, 
at Adaes, a strong plea for the abandonment of Mission de la 
Luz on account of the insufferable plague of mosquitoes and 


42 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


ants, and of the unhealthfnlness of the locality. He reported 
that his companion. Father Marcos Satereny, and all the soldiers 
at the garrison were sick from dysentery, due to bad water, ex¬ 
cessive humidity, and putrid lagoons near by. In this letter 
Fray Caro expressed a preference that the mission be moved to 
El Atascosita. Vallejo referred the complaint to Barrios with 
the request that action be taken to move the mission to El Atas¬ 
cosita. He closed his letter to Barrios with the threat that unless 
something was done at once he would order the missionaries to 
retire and, acting in the name of the college, would renounce 
the mission. When Barrios received Vallejo’s letter, he pro¬ 
ceeded to San Augustine Ahumada for the purpose of investi¬ 
gating conditions there and to arrange for the removal of the 
mission. He selected a site near El Atascosita, ordered crops 
planted and instructed Del Rio to build a new stockade and 
transfer the garrison and mission to it. Before these instructions 
could be carried out, however, Barrios renounced the idea of 
moving the mission from San Augustine and recommended that 
the agents sent to Saltillo to recruit families, be recalled, paid 
for their services and dismissed. The viceroy, however, appeared 
determined that a new site be selected and the Mission Nuestra 
Senora de la Luz be removed from San Augustine Ahumada. 

Accordingly, Barrios was instructed to continue search for a 
suitable location. In the meantime, Barrios was transferred to 
his new position as Governor of Coahuila. He was succeeded by 
Don Angel Martos y Navarette, who began his administration 
as Governor of Texas on February 6, 1759, leaving a hiatus in 
the mission controversy from March 13, 1758, the date of Bar¬ 
rios’ last instructions regarding a new site for the mission, to 
February, 1759. Navarette at once took up the matter of se¬ 
lecting a new site for ]\lission de la Lhz. He visited Santa Rosa 
in October and El Atascosita in November and decided against 
both locations. In a communication to the viceroy, December 6, 
1759, he recommended a site at Los Harconsitas, three and one- 
half leagues above San Augustine, on an arroyo called Los 
Piegalos. Father Abad, who accompanied Navarette to Santa 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


43 


Kosa and El Atascosita, opposed Navarette’s suggestions and 
protested against the removal of the mission at all. He argued 
that the trouble with the presidio and mission at El Areoquisac 
(San Augustine) was of laziness rather than one of faults of the 
site. In spite of Father Abad’s protests, Navarette reported fa¬ 
vorably on Los Harconsitas, and on March 15, 1760, the viceroy 
ordered the removal made to that point. Navarette delayed ac¬ 
tion and finally asked the viceroy to relieve him of the responsi¬ 
bility of moving the presidio and mission. This request was 
granted and the establishment of the new villa was abandoned 
for a time. 

A junta de guerra held in Mexico City, December 9, 1762, 
approved the site selected at Los Harcositas, and on December 
22, 1762, Navarette was ordered to move the presidio and mis¬ 
sion hither and to do so at once. 

In November, 1763, the presidio was put under the command 
of Captain Don Rafael JMartinez Pacheco. This displeased Nav¬ 
arette, and in June, 1764, he visited the presidio and mission 
in company with Father Calohorra to effect the transfer. But 
the Indians protested. It later developed that Pacheco had in¬ 
duced the Indians to oppose the removal of the presidio and mis¬ 
sion. Navarette reported the matter to the viceroy, who, on 
August 12, 1764, repeated his demand that the establishments 
be removed to Los Harconsitas. Trouble arose between Pacheco 
and Navarette, and pending its adjustment, the presidio was 
partly destroyed by fire. In 1766 a severe gulf storm greatly 
damaged the presidio and mission. As a result of this, the pre¬ 
sidio was moved to higher ground, a quarter of a league distant. 
In 1767, Marques de Rubi inspected the presidio and mission and 
recommended its abandonment, which was soon thereafter done. 

Few of the old Spanish missions in the province of Texas had 
a more romantic career or a more tragic ending than Mission 
Nuestra Senora de la Luz. The group of Indians for whom, it 
was established were stubborn and hard to control, and because 
of their former relations with the French traders were in a po¬ 
sition for many years to dictate terms to the Spanish. When the 


44 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


mission was finally abandoned the influence of these Indians 
was lost, and they became a source of great annoyance as their 
friendship was never restored. 

SAN XAVIER was the name by which the three missions es¬ 
tablished on the San Xavier (San Gabriel) River between 1745 
and 1749 were knowm. Each of these missions, however, bore a 
distinctive name, as llission Xavier, Ildefonso, and Nuestra Se- 
nora de la Candelaria. 

These missions were established by the Spanish Government 
at an earnest solicitation of the Franciscan Fathers, who desired 
to assemble the Tonkawan group of Indians that they might be 
converted to the Christian religion. When the question of Mis¬ 
sions was first mentioned to these Indians they manifested a 
keen interest in the enterprise. Events which followed their es¬ 
tablishment, however, lead us to believe that their enthusiasm 
for missions grew out of a belief that they could give them pro¬ 
tection from their Indian enemies of the north, rather than their 
zeal to embrace the Christian religion. 

The story of the establishment of these missions is one of in¬ 
trigue, delay and patient waiting. Mission San Xaxier was 
formally accepted by the government and dedicated May 7, 1748. 
Missions Ildefonso and Nuestra Senora de la Candelaria were 
dedicated in 1748 and 1749, respectively. 

The exact location of these missions was established by Dr. 
Herbert E. Bolton in 1907. In an article contributed to the 
Southwestern Historical Quarterly (Vol. 17, No. 4), he tells how 
this site may be reached. ''If one will drive,’’ he writes, "nine 
miles northwest of Rockdale to the Kolk settlement and then 
turn westward up the San Gabriel River about a mile, he will 
come to what has long been known, in that neighborhood, as 
‘Ditch Valley Farm,’a name * * which comes from the fact 
that all through the farm once ran an ‘acequia,’ or irrigation 
ditch, constructed in 1750 to serve the three missions which had 
recently been established there. In the river nearby are still to 
be seen, at low water, the remains of what has long been known 
as the ‘old rock dam,’ whose origin is now clearly known.” Dr. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


45 


Bolton made a map of the land on which the presidio ditch and 
mission was located. It shows the dam to have been located .just 
above the presidio and the ditch to have been located a short 
distance above the presidio. Mission San Xavier was located on 
an elevation known as ‘‘Knob Hill,” south of the presidio. Mis¬ 
sion San lldefonso was located about four and a half miles 
south of JMission San Xavier, just above the union of Arroyo de 
los Animas (Brushy Creek), and Nuestra Senora de los Cande¬ 
laria was located about a league nearly east of the presidio. 

These missions were erected under the guidance of Fray Mar¬ 
iano Francisco de los Dolores y Viana, missionary at the Mission 
San Antonio Valero. Fray Mariano came to Texas as early as 
1753. He at once became interested in the establishment of mis¬ 
sions and the conversion of the Indians. Soon after IMission San 
Xavier was completed. Fray Mariano suffered an accident which 
compelled him to retire to Mission Valero. He left the mission 
in charge of Fray Francisco Cayetano Aporte, who. Dr. Bolton 
says, was apparently the first minister of the permanent mission. 

The establishment of these missions aroused anew the hatred 
of the Apaches. And before they had been established a year, 
sixty Apaches attacked the missions; but finding resistance they 
Avithdrew, with the threat to return with a larger force and de¬ 
stroy the place. In that year three raids were made by the 
Apaches on the missions. On each raid they drove off the horses 
belonging to the soldiers and Indians in the missions. These at¬ 
tacks tended to lessen the ambition of the Indians to reside in 
missions. They fled to the woods and refused to return unless 
adequate protection was given them against the Apaches. Fray 
Mariano, hearing of these attacks, hastened to the place. He se¬ 
cured the return of the Indians and restored order for a time at 
least. The Coco Indians, who occupied, temporarily. Mission San 
lldefonso, became dissatisfied and deserted soon after entering 
it. They later returned and were located in Mission Nuestra 
Senora de los Candelaria. 

In May, 1749, Governor Barrios visited Xavier. In a report to 
the viceroy he advised that he found at these missions a total 


46 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


of three hundred and twenty-two persons. A few Indians, he 
advised, belonging to the missions, were off on leave to hunt 
buffalo, and some gathering wild fruits. 

Soon after the presidio was erected in 1751, trouble arose 
between the officers and soldiers and the missionaries, which 
culminated in the murder of Fray Ganzabal. The captain in 
command of the presidio, i^hilipe de Fabago y Theran, was sus¬ 
pended and transferred to another presidio, pending his trial. 
These disorders terrified the Indians and they deserted the mis¬ 
sions. When confronted witli empty missions, Fedro de Fabago 
y Theran, who succeeded his brother Philipe in command, be¬ 
gan to agitate the removal of the missions and presidio to a point 
on the San Saba River, in the heart of the Apaches ’ rendezvous. 
This was later done and the missions of Xavier removed to San 
Saba River. 

MISSION SAN SABA. The story of the location and estab¬ 
lishment of a mission on the San Saba River is full of romance 
and tragical interest. By tradition it bears close relationship to 
the traditional Lost Mine. Tradition has it that when the ques¬ 
tion of locating an Indian Mission on the San Saba River was 
being considered by the viceroy, tales of a rich silver mine in 
that vicinity were being circulated, and that a commission was 
appointed to investigate the richness of the mine with the prom¬ 
ise that if the mine were found to be as represented a mission 
would be established. The report of the commission was in every 
respect satisfactory and the site proposed was selected and a 
mission and presidio established. Little is known of this tra¬ 
ditional mine, although frequent reference is made to it by 
Spanish writers. 

This mission was one of the early Franciscan missions estab¬ 
lished in the province of Texas for the conversion of the Apache 
Indians. It will be recalled that the attacks by the Apaches on 
the missions at San Xavier on the San Xavier River were the 
prime cause of their abandonment. The San Xavier Missions 
had been established for the purpose of assembling the Tonkawan 
linguistic group of Indians, that they might be converted to the 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


47 


Christian faith. The friendship shown this group of Indians 
displeased the Apaches, and as a result of their raids they were 
abandoned. These missions, however, bear close relation to the 
San Saba mission, as the account of their founding will show. 

The Apaches had long been unfriendly to the Spaniards and, 
from the beginning of their occupancy of Texas in 1689, they 
had resisted every attempt made by the Spanish friars to mobil¬ 
ize the East Texas tribes in missions. During the early period of 
Spanish occupancy the Spanish adopted a policy of bitter war¬ 
fare against them because of their continued outrages against 
the pioneer Spanish settlers. This policy only increased the fury 
of the Apaches. It was then that the Spanish began their con¬ 
ciliatory policy toward them. As a result of this policy a treaty 
of peace and friendship was made at San Antonio, in 1719, be¬ 
tween members of the Apache chiefs and the presidential author¬ 
ities. This was also the beginning of the Apache endeavor to se¬ 
cure the friendship of the Spaniards, and as a result, a few 
Apaches made their home at the missions at San Antonio. It is 
not believed that this sudden change in the Apaches was because 
of their desire to become Christians, hut rather as a result of 
raids made upon their stronghold by the Comanche tribes, who 
were their deadly foes. But it appears that the missionaries ac¬ 
cepted their protestations of friendship and pushed their mis¬ 
sion projects. The favorite dwelling place of the Apaches was 
the rugged plains of the Perdernales, Llano and San Saba Rivers. 
It was hut natural, then, for Father Santa Anna, when urging 
the establishment of missions to effect their conversion, to favor 
that section for their establishment. This he did as early as 
1743. He also urged the building of presidios on the San Saba 
and other streams draining that territory. In 1754 a short-lived 
mission for the Apaches was established near the Rio Grande. 
In less than a year’s occupancy the Apaches burned the mission 
buildings and returned to their wooded haunts. Father Alonzo 
Geraldo Terreros attributed the failure of this mission to the re¬ 
luctance of the Apaches to reside so far from their own country, 
and pointed out that no permanent success would be attained un- 


48 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


less missions were founded in the region of their dwelling place. 

Finally the viceroy authorized the examination of the Apache 
country to ascertain if a suitable site for missions could be lo¬ 
cated. This expedition was led by Lieutenant Juan Galbon. He 
reported the finding of suitable sites on the San Saba River. In 
1755 a second expedition was organized. This was led by Don 
Bernardo de Miranda, Lieutenant-General of the province of 
Texas. This same year another expedition explored the San Saba 
country. It was headed by Don Pedro de Rabago y Theran, 
commander of the presidio at San Xavier. The project met the 
opposition of Don Jacinto de Barrios, the governor of the prov¬ 
ince of Texas. He refused to forgive the Apaches for past treach¬ 
ery or to believe in their sincerity. The conflicting opinions 
caused the viceroy to refer the question to certain prominent 
men for advice. But their report gave him little relief, and he 
called a general council to meet in ^Mexico City to definitely decide 
the question. The council concluded in favor of the mission and 
decided that the garrison of the presidio at San Xavier should be 
increased from fifty to one hundred men and transferred to the 
San Saba River; that the few Indians remaining at the San 
Xavier Mission should be removed to the mission at San An¬ 
tonio ; that the missionaries should go to San Saba and establish 
there three missions, under the shelter of the presidio, for the con¬ 
version of the Apache tribes. This meant the removal of the San 
Xavier Missions to the San Saba and the abandonment of the 
purpose of converting the Tonkawan tribes to that of the re¬ 
duction of the Apaches. The new mission was to be under the 
control of Father Dolores, president of the San Antonio Missions. 
Just as plans w^ere being formed to carry out the decision of the 
council Don Pedro Romero de Terreros, a rich and philanthropic 
citizen of Mexico, submitted a proposition, through his cousin. 
Father Giraldo de Terreros, to bear for a period of three years 
all expenses that might be incurred in the founding of missions 
for the conversion of the Apaches, and at the end of that period 
to turn them over to the government free of cost. These condi¬ 
tions were, however, imposed: the missions must be located in 


KOMAXCE AND TKAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 49 

the country in which the Apaches lived; his cousin, Fray Geraldo 
de Terreros, must be placed in control, and the missionaries must 
be chosen from the College of Santa Cruz, in Queretaro, and that 
of San Fernando in Mexico City. The viceroy promptly accepted 
the offer and on August 24, 1756, a decree was issued substitut¬ 
ing these provisions for those recommended by the council. Prep¬ 
arations for the establishment of the Mission were at once begun. 
The formal decree of the viceroy ordering the removal of the 
presidio of San Xavier to the San Saba had previously been is¬ 
sued and in the hands of officials in Texas. The commander at 
San Xavier, Captain Pedro de Robago, at this juncture notified 
the officials that he had, upon his own responsibility, removed 
the garrison from San Xavier to the San Marcos (Guadalupe) 
River, alleging the lack of water and pestilential conditions at 
San Xavier made it necessary. This greatly incensed Governor 
Barrios. But as the garrison had been moved it was allowed to 
remain on the San ]\Iarcos for the time being. Captain Robago 
died soon after this occurrence and Don Diego Ortez de Parrilla 
was appointed to succeed him. Parrilla soon received instructions 
to transfer the presidio, to build mission buildings, and to as¬ 
semble Indians. The ornaments, sacred vessels, and other para¬ 
phernalia of the San Xavier Missions were to be removed to the 
San Saba. The captain was cautioned to see that the mission¬ 
aries be given the best of treatment and protected from annoy¬ 
ance of the soldiers. 

On September 4, 1756, Father Terreros received his formal 
appointment as president of the new mission on the San Saba. 
He was given a free hand in buying supplies for the mission. 
Fathers Joachin de Banos and Diego Ximenes, from the College 
of Santa Cruz, and Fathers Joseph Santiesteban and Juan An¬ 
dres, from the College at San Fernando, were chosen as mission¬ 
aries. Before Father Terreros and the missionaries left Mexico 
for Texas, the leaders in the mission enterprise met in the City 
of Mexico and agreed on plans of proeeedure. They arrived in 
San Antonio, December 22, 1756. Two days after their arrival 
Parrilla began to arrange to carry out the instructions of the 


50 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


viceroy. He assembled the garrison from the San Marcos River 
at San Antonio that the troops might be fitted out with the neces¬ 
sary equipment. Messengers were dispatched to a group of 
Apaches, located not far away, to urge them to visit San Antonio 
to meet the president and missionaries of the proposed San Saba 
Mission. In a few days a number of these Indians, headed by 
two chiefs, reached Mission Valero and gave assurances that they 
desired to enter missions. Captain Parrilla accepted their offer 
of allegiance in the name of the King of Spain and presented 
the two chiefs with canes as insignia of their office of Alcalde 
under Spanish government. Presents were presented them by 
Fathers Dolores and Terreros. When they departed from San 
Antonio they pledged that they would assemble their people on 
the San Saba when the mission was ready for them. The winter 
passed in busy preparation. Captain Parrilla went into winter 
quarters on the San ^larcos River with his troops. The priests 
and Hocoltecan families, who were brought from Mexico to as¬ 
sist the priests, were also removed to winter quarters on the San 
Marcos. With the arrival of spring the march to the San Saba 
was begun. They reached the San Saba April 18, 1757. Plans 
were made for two missions. They were to be located south of 
the San Saba River, some distance from the ford. The presidio 
w^as to be located on the north side of the San Saba at a distance 
of two or three miles. Work was begun on one of the missions 
very soon after the arrival of the troops. The second mission 
was to be erected when needed. As it was never built, we conclude 
that it was not needed. Along with the erection of the mission, 
quarters for the priests, store room for supplies, a rude church 
and stables were built. Around all these buildings a strong stock¬ 
ade was built, entered by a large gate secured by strong bars. 
Father Terreros superintended the erection of the mission, the 
church, the quarters for the priests, stables, etc. Captain Par¬ 
rilla with a crew of masons superintended the erection of the 
fort. The presidio was named San Luis de las Amarillos, in 
honor of the viceroy, but it is known in history as the Presidio 
of San Saba. In IMay Captain Parrilla ordered the supplies 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


51 


transferred to his winter quarters on the San Marcos to the San 
Saba. They arrived June 7th and were stored in the buildings 
erected for that purpose, both at the mission and at the presidio. 

The mission was soon ready to begin operating, but there were 
no Indians to occupy it. A council was held and it was decided 
to send some one out among the Indians to induce them to as¬ 
semble at the Mission. One of the friars, Father Varela, was as¬ 
signed this difficult task. In the meantime. Father Dolores, of 
Mission Valero, at San Antonio, had notified the Indians of that 
territory of the completion of the mission on the San Saba. By 
the middle of June three thousand savages were encamped in 
the vicinity of the mission. They informed the missionaries that 
they had no thought of entering the mission at that time, but 
they were merely on their annual hunting trip and campaign 
against their enemies, the Comanches. As soon as they returned, 
they said, they would settle down at the mission. The mission¬ 
aries patiently awaited the promised return of the Indians. 
Early in July, Chief El Chico appeared at the mission with a 
group of warriors, squaws and children. They did not tarry, 
but proceeded on their journey southward. Father Terreros ac¬ 
cepted the situation philosophically. However, he reported the 
conduct of the Apaches to his cousin, Don Pedro de Terreros, 
that he might determine if the mission project should be aban¬ 
doned. Don Pedro was not discouraged, but urged the viceroy 
to continue his efforts to secure the Apache attendance at the 
mission. The three priests continued at their post, attended by 
their Indian servants and a guard of five soldiers. An occasional 
visit of a roving band of Apaches was the only thing to break the 
monotony. At that time there were three or four hundred per¬ 
sons at the presidio and mission, thirty-seven of whom were 
women and children. There was little to occupy their time, save 
guarding the post and mission and looking after the horses and 
cattle. But conditions were not to continue and a change took 
place of the most tremendous importance. On March 2, 1758, 
a Comanche host fell upon the place and began their raids upon 
the horses of the presidio and succeeded in driving away sixty- 


52 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


two of them. A few soldiers followed the Comanches, but failed 
to overtake them. The soldiers returned to the presidio bearing 
wild and alarming reports of Comanche hordes. Great fear ex¬ 
isted at the mission and presidio and additional safeguards w'ere 
inaugurated. After quiet had been restored a large band of 
Comanches appeared at the mission at sunrise, March 16th. 
Through treachery they secured entrance through the stockade 
gate and at once began their slaughter of priests and others in 
the enclosure, and set fire to the buildings. All day long and far 
into the night the Comanches continued their orgies. Captain 
Parrilla attempted to send aid from the presidio, but his troops 
were attacked by a large band of Indians, killing several and 
driving back those who escaped to the presidio. They did not at¬ 
tack the presidio but it was cut off from furnishing aid to the 
mission. Parilla succeeded, how^ever, in getting messengers out 
to San Antonio requesting aid, as another attack was expected. 
So great was the alarm that no one ventured to pass out of the 
presidio for four days. When soldiers did venture to go to the 
Mission, a scene of ruin, death and desolation met their eyes. 
Practically everything had been destroyed. The burying of the 
dead was first attended to. Among those killed were Fathers 
Terreros and Santietiban, Joseph Garcia, Enrique Gutierrez, 
Lezara de Ayala, Asencio Cadena, Andres de Villareal and Juan 
Antonio Gutierrez. 

Dr. Herbert Bolton, from w^hose Spanish records this account 
is largely drawn, attributes this Comanche attack upon the mis¬ 
sion to jealousy, inspired by the intimate relations existing be- 
tw^een the Spaniards and Apaches. The Comanches felt that the 
Spanish w'ere in league wdth the Apaches against them. Governor 
Barrios accused the French of instigating the attack, but this 
the French vehemently denied. 

Captain Parilla determined to punish the Comanches and their 
allied tribes for this attack on the San Saba Mission and, ac¬ 
cordingly, in the summer of 1759, he organized an army of five 
hundred Spanish and that number of Indian allies to make w^ar 
upon them. He left San Antonio in August with his army and 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


53 


marched to their village, Taovayas, on Red River near the pres¬ 
ent town of Ringgold. When he approached their village he 
found the Indians entrenched and fortified, flying the French 
flag. As soon as Parilla’s force approached near the village the 
entren«hed Indians sallied forth and a fierce battle ensued. It 
was of short duration, however. Parilla and his troops and In¬ 
dian allies were put to flight in great disorder, leaving behind 
their baggage and cannon. This equipment fell into the hands of 
the defenders of Taovayas. Parilla’s defeat was a crushing one, 
and served to give notice to the Spanish officials of the hazard 
of attacking well organized bands of the enemy. This cannon was 
not returned until twenty years later when Mezieres spent some 
time among the Wichita tribe and secured its return. 

MISSION SAN MIGUEL DE LOS ADAES was one of the 
most important Spanish missions established during the early 
Spanish occupancy of Texas. It was the furthest east of all the 
missions, being only seven leagues southwest of the French post, 
at Natchitoches, on the Red River. It occupied the present site 
of Robeline in present Natchitoches Parish, Louisiana. It was 
established in 1717 and soon thereafter became the capitol of 
the province of Texas, which it remained for a number of years. 
It was succeeded by San Antonio. Many Spanish records show 
that it was the capitol as late and beyond 1759. 

This mission was partially destroyed by the French in 1719. 
When the French general, Blandel, was instructed by the French 
commander at New Orleans to drive the Spanish from Louisiana 
and Texas, he personally led his troops to Adaes and arrested 
the few Spanish there and carried off the ornaments of the mis¬ 
sion church. When Aguayo was sent to recover the province 
of Texas he restored the mission at Adaes and built a new pre¬ 
sidio by the side of Mission San Miguel, which he named Pilar 
de los Adaes, and garrisoned it with troops. 

Because of the location of Adaes, near the territory occupied 
by the French, it became a most important headquarters of the 
Spanish. The new presidio was a strong and substantial struc¬ 
ture, and its defense was sufficient for ordinary assault. 


54 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


For a number of years no important military changes were 
made in the eastern part of the province of Texas. The chief 
controversy was over the boundary line between French and 
Spanish territory. French traders continued to trade with the 
Indian tribes in Texas, and an effort to prevent this led to the 
establishment of presidios and missions on the lower Trinity and 
San Jacinto Rivers. Louisiana was ceded to Spain in 1762. The 
danger then from the French was largely removed. As a result, 
however, of Marquis de Rubi’s inspection of the presidios and 
missions in Texas in 1766, many changes soon began to take 
form, as the reforms recommended by him were far-reaching in 
their nature. He reminded the viceroy that Spain was attempt¬ 
ing to occupy too broad a territory and that all efforts to con¬ 
trol the destinies of the province should be concentrated on what 
he designated as the true frontier and that a cordon of fifteen 
strongholds should be placed at regular intervals between Bahia 
del Espiritu Santo, in Texas, and the head of the Gulf of Cali¬ 
fornia, with San Antonio and Santa Fe as outposts. Among the 
presidios and missions of which he recommended the removal or 
abolishment were those at Adaes. It will be recalled that Adaes 
was located east of the Texas boundary in Louisiana. Louisiana 
was within the .jurisdiction of Havana, while Texas was a prov¬ 
ince of New Spain. Rubi’s recommendation regarding Adaes was 
that it either be attached to Louisiana or abandoned altogether, 
and its settlers transferred to San Antonio or be permitted to 
locate elsewhere in Louisiana. 

In 1772 the government of Spain practically adopted Rubi’s 
recommendations and adopted a plan to transfer the families 
at Adaes to the vicinity of San Antonio and give them lands. The 
new order of the Spanish government putting into effect Rubi’s 
recommendations provided for the creation of a new office 
known as Inspector Commandante. Don Hugo O’Conor was ap¬ 
pointed to this position. On March 10, 1773, the viceroy issued 
instructions to O’Conor to put into effect the new regulations 
regarding the presidios and missions. On May 6, 1773, O’Conor 
instructed Baron de Ripperda, governor of Texas, to put into 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


55 


force the new plans. He was instructed to extinguish all the pre¬ 
sidios and missions condemned by Rubi; to take charge of the 
ornaments of the mission churches, and to remove them , to San 
Antonio. Also to remove to San Antonio the garrisons, artillery 
and munitions from the presidios and to transfer the settlers. 
Ripperda received these instructions on May 18th and very soon 
thereafter he began to take steps to carry them out. He visited 
Adaes and arranged for the abandonment of the presidio and 
mission there. He left Lieutenant Gonzales, the commander at 
Adaes, to carry out the programme of abandonment and re¬ 
moval. When the settlers at Adaes learned of these plans they 
became greatly aroused, as many of them had all they possessed 
invested there. To abandon their acquired homes meant bank¬ 
ruptcy for them. They vehemently protested, but it availed noth¬ 
ing, and on June 25th the Adaesans began their long march to 
San Antonio. This long march drew heavily on the strength of 
the settlers. They encountered drought and flood, and great suf¬ 
fering was endured. Sickness broke out among the children and 
as a result ten died enroute. They did not arrive in San Antonio 
until September 26th—tired, worn, and many of them exhausted. 
iNIany died as a result of the exposure and hardships endured 
during this three months’ journey. Lands were offered them 
but they declined to accept homes and renewed their protests and 
demanded to be permitted to return to Adaes or to be permitted 
to settle near, that they might be permitted to recover the prop¬ 
erty they were forced to abandon. Ripperda, the governor, was 
in sympathy with the Adaesans and it is believed that he en¬ 
couraged them to prosecute their demands to be permitted to re¬ 
turn to the eastern frontier. Finally, their petition was granted 
and Ripperda was instructed to locate a site for them. He at 
once began the search for a location. He selected a site on the 
right bank of the Trinity River at a place known as Paso Tomas. 
It was given the name of Nuestra Senora del Pilar de Bucareli 
for the purpose of perpetuating the name of their former home, 
Pilar de los Adaes, and to honor the viceroy, Antonio de Bucareli 
y Ursua. De Mezieres described the site as situated ‘‘on a broad 


56 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


prairie watered by the large volumed Trinity River.Dr. Bol¬ 
ton thinks that it was located where the old San Antonio road 
crossed that stream. As soon as the selection of the site was ap¬ 
proved the construction of public buildings began. 

The Adaesans began their march to Bucareli in August, 1774. 
They were conducted by Lieutenant Simon de Arocha and four 
soldiers. They rejoiced in this opportunity to return so near 
their former homes they were forced to abandon, fourteen months 
before. It was thus that Adaes passed and Bucareli entered upon 
the stage of Spanish history. 

The Spanish government committed a most cruel blunder when 
it forced the settlers of Adaes to abandon their homes and march 
to San Antonio, in the midst of a hot summer. The suffering 
these patient people endured has no parallel in Spanish history. 
The establishment of Bucareli proved a monumental failure. 
Such chimerical schemes show weakness of the Spanish mind at 
that period. 

THE ALAMO was founded as Mission San Antonio Valero by 
Father Olives in 1718, and for many years was maintained by 
the Spanish as an industrial school where the Indians were 
taught the Spanish language. They were taught to weave, to 
sew, to embroider, and many useful trades, such as blacksmith- 
in g, house building, etc. The foundation of the Alamo church 
was laid May 8, 1744, but the building was not completed for 
several years later. 

Mission Valero ceased to be used as an industrial school be¬ 
tween 1783 and 1785 owing to the visitation of a contagious 
disease in 1763 which depleted the number of Indians in the 
mission and others could not be secured to take their place. As 
all the Texas missions were circularized in 1793, Mission Valero 
was transferred along with the others from the control of the 
Missionary Fathers to the ecclesiastics and officers and thus 
ceased to exist as a mission as formerly. It appears that many 
of the Franciscan Fathers remained at their missions as pastors 
.but were under the jurisdiction of the bishop, as were the parish 
priests. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


57 


As early as 1805 Mission San Antonio de Valero began its mil¬ 
itary history. A company of Spanish troops were located in the 
mission in 1805. They continued to occupy the place for many 
years and the mission fortress lost its original name and became 
known as the Alamo. Owing to its strategic location it was much 
sought after by the military. In 1813 the Republican Army of the 
North which was organized by Magee and Gutierrez, captured 
San Antonio and marched into the Alamo, taking possession of 
all the stores, arms, etc., belonging to the Spanish, and Governor 
Salcedo marched out of the town. During its long career the 
Alamo was used as a stronghold by rival factions engaged in 
military exploitations. 

When the Mexican forces under the command of General Cos 
captured San Antonio in 1835, they took possession of the Alamo. 
After the Texans defeated his troops and General Cos sur¬ 
rendered, his troops were permitted to occupy the Alamo until 
they were paroled and retired from the State. 

The most momentous event of the Alamo’s history occurred a 
few months later. Colonel William Barrett Travis was ordered 
by Governor Smith, early in 1836, to move his command to San 
Antonio. This he did. When Santa Anna approached the place 
Travis moved his stores and troops into the Alamo. On February 
23rd General Santa Anna arrived in San Antonio and at once 
demanded that Travis surrender at discretion. This he refused 
to do. Santa Anna at once began a bombardment of the Alamo 
and kept this up until early morning of March 6th, when he 
stormed the fort and put to the sword its brave defenders. 

A full account of this deed of blood is given in another part 
in this volume. 

Soon after the abandonment of the San Saba Mission the 
Spanish established two missions in the Canon del Senor San 
Joseph, on the upper Nueces River. These missions were Nuestra 
de la Candelaria and San Frisco Lorenzo. They were in the 
Lipan-Apache territory. They were abandoned in 1767 owing 
to the frequency of Comanche raids. 


58 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


There were so many changes in the location and names of the 
many Spanish missions that one is liable to become confused in 
following the history of their establishment and operations. A 
number of the early missions of Eastern Texas were transferred 
to San Antonio and given new names. For example: Mission 
San Jose de los Nasonis was transferred to San Antonio in 1729 
and is now known as Mission San Jose. 

Perhaps the earliest Spanish missions established in Texas 
were those in El Paso district. It appears from the Spanish 
records secured by Dr. Bolton, that as early as 1659, a mission 
known as Nuestra Senora Guadalupe was started in El Paso dis¬ 
trict. A small civil settlement grew up around it. Somewhere 
between that date and 1680 another mission was founded about 
twelve leagues from Mission Guadalupe. This mission was known 
as Mission San Francisco de los Sumas. 


THE MAGEE-GUTIERREZ INVASION OF TEXAS 


An Effort to Wrest Texas from Spanish Control in 1S12 — Cap¬ 
ture of Nacogdoches—Battle of Goliad—Capture San Antonio 
and Organize a Republican Government — Magee^s Death — Mas¬ 
sacre of the Captured Spanish Officers—Battle of Medina — 
Defeat of the Americans. 

The province of Texas was a fruitful field for investment in 
the early part of the nineteenth century. Stories of its vastness, 
beauty and incomparable fertility had reached every nook and 
corner of the United States and stirred the ambitions of many 
young and venturesome spirits, who believed it an easy prey to 
invasion. The Spaniards were slow to recognize its golden har¬ 
vest and had done but little to develop its rich resources. The 
principal settlements were located at Nacogdoches, San Antonio 
and LaBahia. The chief military posts were located at these 
points. 

Augustus W. Magee was young, virile and ambitious. After 
graduating from the West Point Military Academy, he was as¬ 
signed to duty as a First Lieutenant at the old military post at 
Natchitoches. While stationed there, he came in contact with 
many traders and explorers from Texas, and their stories of its 
flowing rivers, harbors, broad prairies, primeval forests and vast 
mineral wealth set his brain on fire. He saw in the province of 
Texas a rich field for exploration and he did not hesitate to re¬ 
linquish his commission in the United States army and surround 
himself with others of similar education and ambitions, for the 
purpose of plunging into that little known region to wrest it 
from the Spanish and make of it an independent Republic. 
When in July, 1812, he handed back to the United States his 
commission in the United States Army, he associated with him 
Jose Bernardo Gutierrez and began to lay plans to revolutionize 
Texas. Selecting the neutral ground as his rendezvous, he gath¬ 
ered around him a small band of men, equipping them for the 
task soon to be imposed upon them. 


60 ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 

The neutral ground, in which ]\Iagee spent the early part of the 
summer gathering supplies and preparing his recruits, lay be¬ 
tween the Sabine River and the Arroyo Hondo. It was a terri¬ 
tory varying from 30 to 50 miles in width and extending from 
Natchitoches to the Gulf. It was absolutely without law and was 
occupied by a wild and daring set of men who acknowledged 
no authority. It was established as neutral territory on the basis 
of a proposition made by James Wilkinson, general in the United 
States army, in 1806, to de Salcedo, governor of Nuevo Leon, 
and was the culmination of a dispute between the United States 
and Spain over the boundary of Louisiana, the former claiming 
to the Sabine River and the latter to the Arroyo Hondo. 

The Spanish commander at Nacogdoches, Bernardo Montero, 
had been advised of the plans of Magee and Gutierrez, and early 
in August he established posts on the Sabine River with the view 
of preventing the entrance of the Americans into Texas, but, by 
a strategic move on the part of Magee the Americans crossed 
into Texas, and Montero’s troops retreated to Nacogdoches. Mon¬ 
tero, however, stationed a patrol of twenty men at the Attoyac, 
under the cmmand of Gonzales, for the purpose of watching the 
movements of the Americans. On August 11th Magee attacked 
the patrol and the sentinel only escaped to report to Montero, 
at Nacogdoches, the misfortune which had befallen the patrol. 
Montero at once attempted to arouse the citizens of Nacogdoches 
to the defense of the place. But they were indifferent and failed 
to join in its defense. As the Americans approached the place, 
Montero and his troops fled in hasty disorder. Montero made 
his way to the Trinity River with less than a dozen of his troops. 
From this point he sent a messenger to San Antonio advising 
Governor Salcedo of the advent into Texas of the Americans and 
the capture of Nacogdoches. 

Following the capture of Nacogdoches, August 11th, Magee 
made that place his headquarters. Here the army was reorgan¬ 
ized. Magee was elected colonel with chief command, although 
Gutierrez was given title of general. From this place a number 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


61 


of proclamations were issued. One of these proclamations bore 
date of September 1,1812, and bore the name of “Jose Bernardo 
Gutierrez, Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the North. It 
read as follows: 

“Soldiers and Citizens of San Antonio de Bexar: It is more 
than a year since I left my country, during which time I have 
labored indefatigably for our good. I have overcome many dif¬ 
ficulties, have made friends and have means to aid us in throw¬ 
ing off the insulting yoke of the insolent despotism. Rise en 
masse, soldiers and citizens; unite in the holy cause of our coun¬ 
try! Many of our friends and countrymen have been unjustly 
slain by the sword of the tyrant! Their blood cries aloud from 
the grave for vengeance! Their souls are before the throne of 
God, praying for revenge and for our victories. 

“I am now marching to your succor with a respectable force 
of American volunteers, who have left their homes and families 
to take up our cause, to fight for our liberty. They are the free 
descendants of the men who fought for the independence of the 
United States; they feel the force and the worth of liberty as 
did their fathers in the war with Great Britain; and as brothers 
and inhabitants of the same continent, they have drawn their 
swords with a heavy good will in the defense of the cause of 
humanity, and in order to drive the tyrannous Europeans beyond 
the Atlantic. 

‘ ‘ Awake! Awake! Think no more of these tyrants who pretend 
to have absolute power over your lives, who have dyed their 
iniquitous hands in the blood of your brethren! They no longer 
have the shadow of authority; the legitimate power is in your 
own hands and you shall soon be free! ^ ^ 

Gutierrez also issued a proclamation to the citizens of Texas 
and one to the inhabitants of Mexico before the Americans left 
Nacogdoches. 

With Montero^s retreat from Nacogdoches the Spanish aban¬ 
doned all the eastern part of Texas and the Magee-Gutierrez 
expedition grew in numbers and enthusiasm. 


62 KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HlStORY 

On receiving the message from Montero advising of the cap¬ 
ture of Nacogdoches by the Americans, Governor Salcedo at 
once addressed a communication to Lieutenant-Colonel Busta- 
mente, under date of September 17th,.in which he said: 

“I have this moment received word, under date of the 12th, 
from the commander at Nacogdoches who finds himself with¬ 
drawn to the Trinity with part of his officers and troops. He 
reports that the Americans occupied Nacogdoches on the 11th, 
the place having been abandoned because of the superiority of 
the American forces. Thus the dreaded day has arrived in which 
I see the ominous standard of revolt unfurled in that part of 
the Kingdom.’’ 

Governor Salcedo also sent an urgent appeal to the viceroy 
for reenforcements. The following excerpt from this communi¬ 
cation will serve to show how Salcedo viewed the situation. It 
is as follows: 

“With one thousand of the troops recently arrived from Spain 
at Matagorda I shall free this Kingdom within a month of a 
new and more formidable insurrection than the past one. The 
people, incautious on the one hand and hallucinated on the 
other, embrace with readiness the sedition. The Americans say 
they have not come to do harm to the inhabitants of this King¬ 
dom, but to aid them in securing their independence. Unfor¬ 
tunately, our people do not know the poison and hypocrisy of 
Our enemies; do not realize that they are working under the pre¬ 
text of succoring them to conquer our provinces, little by little. 
In the end the natives cannot rid themselves of the Americans; 
but they will not arouse from their lethargy. While I am waiting 
for the reenforcements I have asked, I shall do all in my power to 
expel the invaders, if the troops of the garrison remain faithful.” 

Montero did not remain on the Trinity long, but proceeded 
to San Antonio, reaching there on September 2nd. After he 
reached San Antonio and made a report in person to Governor 
Salcedo of the Nacogdoches episode, the latter wrote a letter to 
the viceroy in ^lexico City in which he arraigned the United 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


63 


States because it had failed to prevent Magee ^s invasion of Texas. 
It should be recalled that Magee organized his expedition on the 
neutral ground and not on recognized United States soil, and 
it should not be presumed that the United States government 
was in possession of information that would justify it in taking 
action. 

The Americans remained in Nacogdoches until September, 
when they proceeded with about three hundred troops to a point 
on Trinity River, where they awaited reenforcements which had 
been promised. Late in October, Magee started on his march 
to La Bahia (Goliad). He crossed the Colorado River near the 
present town of Columbus. He arrived at La Bahia early in No¬ 
vember and finding the place abandoned, began the erection of 
fortifications, preparing for defense. 

A short time after Magee’s arrival at La Bahia, Spanish troops 
under the personal command of Salcedo and Herrera, sur¬ 
rounded the place. These troops were posted in three divisions 
around La Bahia; one on the east, one on the west, and one at 
the mission on the north side of the San Antonio River. Late 
in the afternoon of the 7th Magee attacked the division at the 
mission, and continued the assault until nightfall when he re¬ 
tired behind the breastworks. The Spanish soon realized that 
they could not break down the strong walls of the fort without 
heavy artillery and they ceased their assault until the arrival 
of heavy guns. On the arrival of their guns they made an as¬ 
sault on the Americans. This occurred on November 30th. A 
bitter engagement followed, lasting from eight o’clock in the 
morning until two in the afternoon, at which time the Spanish 
troops retreated, after having suffered heavy loss in killed and 
wounded. Magee had but one killed and seven wounded. The 
Spanish held a council of war and decided to place the town 
under siege and starve the Americans into submission. Magee 
found an abundance of corn in the fort and had no trouble in 
securing all the meat needed. 

On January 24th a battle between the Americans and Spanish 
was fought, which resulted in a loss of nearly two hundred of 


64 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


the Spanish troops, while one man was killed and six wounded 
of the Americans. This battle is known as the battle of the 
“White Cow,” and was brought about by the two forces coming 
together when Magee’s troops were attempting to capture a 
white cow for food purposes. 

Magee died February 1, 1813, and Colonel Kempner, second 
in command, assumed command of the American forces. A des¬ 
perate battle between the American and Spanish forces soon 
took place. The Spanish troops were again defeated with even 
heavier losses, when they retreated to San Antonio. In the mean¬ 
time new recruits joined the American forces and, on February 
21, Kempner set out to pursue the retreating Spanish. When 
the Americans arrived in the vicinity of San Antonio, General 
Herrera marched out his troops to meet the Americans. A battle 
followed and Herrera’s forces were defeated and routed. His 
loss was 300 men killed, 424 wounded, 60 taken prisoners. In 
addition, Herrera lost six pieces of artillery and all his baggage. 
The American loss was six killed and 26 wounded. The battle is 
known in history as the ‘ ‘ Battle of Salado. ’ ’ The Spanish troops 
retreated into San Antonio. The American army took possession 
of Mission Conception and, on March 3d, proceeded to invest 
San Antonio. Salcedo sent out a flag of truce on March 4th and 
requested a parley. Kempner refused all terms except uncondi¬ 
tional surrender of the Spanish forces and the town. These 
terms were agreed upon March 6th, when the American army 
marched into San Antonio, Salcedo and Herrera having marched 
their troops out, leaving their arms stacked. 

ORGANIZE A REPUBLICAN GOTERNMENT: Immedi¬ 
ately following the surrender of San Antonio by the Spanish, 
Gutierrez, with the approval and support of Kempner and other 
American officers, organized a republican government, and 
ordered the arrest of the two Spanish commanders, Salcedo and 
Herrera, Cordero and eleven other officers. This order was 
obeyed and the Spanish officers were seized and brought into San 
Antonio. Soon there was enacted one of the most brutal and 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


65 


bloody murders that mar the pages of history. These prisoners 
were turned over to one Juan Delgado, ostensibly for safekeep¬ 
ing. But the brute Delgado marched them out ta the battle¬ 
grounds of Salado and had them all executed by cutting their 
throats, after which their bodies were thrown into the river. 
This atrocious deed so outraged the American officers that they 
filed charges against Gutierrez and Delgado and had them ar¬ 
rested. A trial was ordered. Gutierrez and Delgado were re¬ 
leased pending preparation for trial. This turn of affairs caused 
Kempner and a number of American officers to retire. Major 
Reuben Ross was elected to succeed Kempner. 

On June 17th General Don y Elisondo, at the head of a Roy¬ 
alist army, appeared on Alazan Creek, a few miles west of San 
Antonio. Ross, suspecting treachery and desertion of his Mex¬ 
ican allies, urged a retreat from San Antonio, but his American 
troops opposed this course. As a result, Ross and a few other 
Americans withdrew from the army and returned to Louisiana. 
Perry was immediately placed in command. Elisondo demanded 
of Perry the surrender of San Antonio on condition that the 
Americans might peacefully retire to their own country, but that 
Gutierrez, Delgado, and others responsible for the foul murder 
of Salcedo, Herrera, and the other twelve Spanish officers, 
should be surrendered. Perry refused this demand and moved 
out during the night in close range of Elisondo’s troops. At 
dawn of the 18th Perry made an assault on Elisondo’s forces and 
defeated them in a sharp skirmish. Elisondo lost no time in with¬ 
drawing his Royalist troops from Texas. Following this event, 
Gutierrez resigned from the army and, with his family, retired 
to the Sabine. Soon after the departure of Gutierrez, General 
Don Jose Alvarez Saledo arrived in San Antonio and was wel¬ 
comed by the Americans. Manchaca, however, who had taken a 
leading part with Perry against Elisondo, viewed him with jeal¬ 
ousy. Saledo assumed leadership, however, of the forces and pro¬ 
ceeded to restore order and discipline in the army. Knowing that 
the Royalists were not permanently defeated and would not 
abandon so important a stronghold as San Antonio without a 


66 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


desperate struggle, he began preparations to defend it. True to 
his suspicions, on July 26th, General Don Joaquin Arredondo, 
commander of the Internal Province of Mexico, left Laredo with 
four thousand Royalist troops for the purpose of recapturing La 
Bahia and San Antonio. At Val Verde Creek, west of the Nueces 
River, he was joined by Elisondo and his forces. They moved to¬ 
ward San Antonio. When they were within a few hours march 
of the town of San Antonio their scouts reported that Toledo, 
with his army of Americans and Mexicans, was advancing to 
meet them. They halted near the Medina River, threw up breast¬ 
works in the form of a “V” with the open space toward San 
Antonio, and deployed half a thousand of the troops in front of 
this position. Kempner in the meantime, had returned and joined 
Perry, whose command sonsisted of about three hundred Amer¬ 
icans, a band of Coochattie Indians, and about six hundred Mex¬ 
icans under Toledo and Manchaca. Toledo crossed the Medina 
August 18th, having marched out of San Antonio August 17th. 
His troops approached Arredondo’s ambuscade and advanced 
with impetuosity. Arredondo’s troops fled precipitately and 
abandoned their cannon and rushed into the lines of the breast¬ 
works. The Mexicans under Toledo and Manchaca fell back in 
disorder, but the Americans and Coochattie Indians fought 
bravely and in order, with fatal effect on the Royalist troops. 
So desperate were their assaults that the cavalry was preparing to 
retreat, when the treacherous IMusquez, a Mexican officer, de¬ 
serted Toledo’s ranks and carried his company over with him to 
Arredondo. He represented to Arredondo that the Americans 
had been abandoned by the Mexican troops and were fainting 
from heat and parching thirst; that their ammunition was almost 
exhausted, and if the battle were prolonged a little while longer 
their troops would be surely defeated. Arredondo thereupon 
aroused his troops and renewed the assault. He put in reserved 
companies upon the Americans. The Americans were thrown in 
great confusion and were forced to yield. Then the slaughter 
commenced. Most of those who escaped death on the battlefield 
were pursued and slain by the troops under the personal leader- 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


67 


ship of Elisondo, who, in revenge for his defeat near San An¬ 
tonio, was proud of an opportunity to kill and murder. He fol¬ 
lowed the fleeing Americans clear across the State, capturing 
seventy or eighty on the Trinity River at Spanish Bluff, execut¬ 
ing them all. Among those executed were Manchaca. and Del¬ 
gado. Toledo escaped to the United States. In 1815 he was tried 
in the courts of Louisiana for violating the neutrality laws, but 
was acquitted. Perry also escaped. He died by his own hand 
some time later at La Bahia. 

Thus terminated the Magee-Gutierrez invasion of Texas. This 
historic event marked an important political epoch and had the 
elfect of cultivating the spirit of expansion which had lodgment 
in the American breast. 








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LONG’S INVASION OF TEXAS 


Leaves Natchez^ Mississippi, for Texas—Crosses the Sabine and 
Captures Nacogdoches—Organizes Provisional Government — 
Appeals to Lafitte for Aid—Establishes Camps—Spanish Raid 
His Camp—Long Escapes into Louisiana—Organizes a Second 
Expedition—Sails for Galveston—Establishes Fort at Bdlivar — 
Captures Goliad—Betrayed and Captured—Death in the City of 

Mexico. 

The disasters which befell the revolutions attempted by Mina, 
Aurey and Magee did not discourage other adventurous spirits 
who saw in Texas fields of beauty and plenty, and above it, skies 
of favor and glory. Long had a vision and became its interpreter. 
It required a man of heroic determination to undertake what he 
did. He had in his mind and heart a great purpose and felt that 
those who fail to seize opportunity as she passes on flying feet 
with sunlit brow would close the gate to fortune behind them; 
and, remembering the ancient proverb, “strike while the iron 
is hot,” he entered with enthusiasm upon the task which im¬ 
pelled him. 

Dr. James Long was a man of indomitable will and energy. 
He was a Carolinian by birth, accomplished and learned in his 
profession. He was used to war’s unending strife and realized 
its futility when waged for plunder and pelf. In his earlier ca¬ 
reer he was a surgeon in the army of General Jackson during 
the war of 1812 with Great Britain, and as such, participated in 
the Battle of New Orleans. At the close of the war he resigned 
his commission in the United States army and retired to his 
plantation home near Natchez, Mississippi. During his service 
in the United States army, he met and wooed and won ]\Iiss Jane 
Wilkinson, the young, beautiful and accomplished niece of 
General James Wilkinson, of the United States army. Her life 
is so interwoven with the career of her husband that we cannot 
leave her out of a story of his life. 


70 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAvS HISTORY 


Dr. Long’s ambitions were influenced by his environment. He 
had heard the story of Texas from the lips of Philip Nolan, 
whose rendezvous was in the region of his plantation. He was 
fired by the spirit of Magee, of Kempner, of Perry, and of others 
in that ill-fated expedition in which their lives were linked. He 
had no thought of leading an invasion into Texas when he took 
part in the mass meetings in Natchez, having in view the en¬ 
couragement of an expedition to revolutionize Texas and the 
establishment of an independent republic. Another, General 
Adair of Kentucky, had been agreed upon to lead in the under¬ 
taking. But when General Adair finally declined to join his for¬ 
tunes with such an enterprise, those taking a leading part in its 
instigation prevailed upon Dr. James Long to lead the expedi¬ 
tion. He hesitated, but when the pleas of Davenport, Gutierrez, 
Cook, Bigelow, Baker, Burnet, Johnson and Smith and others of 
equal prominence were united, he yielded and accepted the honoi’ 
thus thrust upon him. He immediately began preparation to 
carry out plans of invasion. He left Natchez June 17, 1819, for 
Texas. He was accompanied by seventy-five brave and de¬ 
termined men, many of whom held a grudge against the Spanish 
because of having been previously driven from the Province of 
Texas. Many recruits joined his little band and when it crossed 
the Sabine about three hundred men composed the invading host. 
His force proceeded to Nacogdoches without hindrance. Reach¬ 
ing Nacogdoches early in July, Long organized a provisional 
government, consisting of a supreme council, and issued a procla¬ 
mation declaring Texas to be a free and independent republic. 
The supreme council consisted of Horatio Bigelow, Hamlin 
Cook, Stephen Baker, John Sibley, Samuel Davenport, John C. 
Burnet, J. Childs, Bernard Gutierrez and Pedro Procillo. The 
council enacted liberal laws for the government of the republic. 

General Long stationed his force from the Red River to the 
coast. Troops were stationed at the Coochattie Indian village on 
the Trinity, at Robinson crossing on the Trinity, at the falls of 
the Brazos, near the mouth of the Navasota River, and at Pecan 
Point on the Red River. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OP TEXAS HISTORY 


71 


Very soon after organizing his expedition and before leaving 
for Texas, General Long dispatched messengers to Galveston 
Island, soliciting the support of Jean Lafitte, then occupying 
that place with a strong force. As Lafitte had but recently been 
depredating upon Spanish commerce. General Long had hopes 
that he would welcome and co-operate with the invaders. The 
messengers to Lafitte’s camp, Messrs. Johnson and Smith, bore a 
letter from General Long outlining the objects of his proposed 
expedition into Texas. Lafitte very promptly acknowledged the 
receipt of the letter. His answer bore date of July 7, 1819, in 
which he said: 

‘‘Your letter that was brought to me by Messrs. Johnson and 
Smith has given me a great deal of satisfaction and to which I 
answer in haste. I will commence by saying that I will see with 
a great deal of pleasure your intention of taking up a cause that 
I have been defending for the past eight years, and that I never 
intend to abandon; that is the emancipation of the Mexican 
provinces; after evincing such a profession of faith to said cause 
you can have no reason of doubting my uniting my utmost ef¬ 
forts to help you in everything I can. However, before acting, 
I would like to have a more positive understanding. Since my 
setting out in that career there have been three powerful expe¬ 
ditions, though managed by men of good heads, they have suc¬ 
cessively failed. I have done all in my power to help them along 
and should not regret the sacrifices they have cost me had they 
happily succeeded. It is true, however, that this seems to be a 
most favorable moment. The exhausted and weak state of Spain 
is reduced so as not to be able to stop the desires of those who 
wish for their independence; and in another point of view the 
spirit of liberty, budding out under my care in these fertile 
countries, has made rapid progress, and it is no longer necessary 
to exalt the heads of those young and brave Creoles, but only to 
lead them wisely along. 

“ I am instructed, sir, of the movements of Arredondo, and I 
know that his forces are less considerable than you suppose them 
to be. However, it is better to be watchful. The agents that I 


72 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


have at San Antonio assure me that the inhabitants are only 
waiting for the signal to throw off the yoke of oppression. But 
to assist them I will need the aid of my brother who will shortly 
arrive from the North and will certainly be here in a few days, 
as I wish everything to go at once. 

“You tell me, sir, that you have hoisted a flag. It would pain 
to think that it w^as a different one from the one existing. It 
would be a bad policy to take one different from the one under 
which we have been fighting for the last eight years. It would 
seem inconstant, indecision which would produce a bad effect. 
Besides, our flag is recognized by Buenos Ayres and Venezuela, 
and our privateers under such colors are received there in a 
friendly manner by the authorities of those provinces. That is 
enough to make us stick to those colors. 

“ As to the establishment of a Court of Admiralty of the Port 
of Galveston, it ought to have existed ere long, but it will be es¬ 
tablished in a short time. I am entirely of your opinion in that 
subject. 

“Mr. Johnson says that you would like to have an interview 
with me. I would be as much gratified by it as you would your¬ 
self, but it is impossible for me to leave here as my presence is 
indispensable. I may, however, have the pleasure of seeing you 
shortly—as soon as my brother returns, who cannot delay long. 

This, sir, is my situation and disposition. Now let me know 
exactly what are your resources. Give me a letter explaining the 
means you can dispose to commence the campaign so I can sec¬ 
ond you. Let me know how to act and what way to send you 
what I can dispose of, when you will be ready to march. Do not, 
sir, hide anything. 

“Your very humble and obedient servant, 

Jeanne Lafitte. 

“To Mr. James Long, 

General of the Texas Army. * ’ 

On the return of Messrs. Johnson and Smith who delivered to 
General Long Lafitte’s letter just quoted, General Long wrote 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


73 


Lafitte a general outline of his plan of invasion. This letter was 
delivered to Lafitte by Captain James Gaines, who went into a 
full discussion with Lafitte of the plans of General Long and his 
associates. Lafitte, however, gave little encouragement, and gave 
as his reason the previous failures of the expeditions to revolu¬ 
tionize Texas. When Captain Gaines returned to Nacogdoches 
and reported the result of his conference with Lafitte, General 
Long concluded to make a personal visit to Lafitte. He accord¬ 
ingly started on his voyage to Galveston Island. On reaching 
Captain Cook’s camp at the Coochattie village, he learned that 
General Perez, with an army of Spanish troops, was marching 
against him. He at once instructed his wife, at Nacogdoches, 
to recross the Sabine, and took steps to avoid a conflict with the 
Spanish forces, as his forces were so scattered that he found it 
impossible to concentrate them in time to resist Perez. 

Perez had learned through his spies and the Spanish consul, 
F. Fatio, at New Orleans, and the Indians whom he encountered, 
of the exact location of Long’s different camps. In his march 
toward Nacogdoches, his troops fell upon Captain Johnson’s 
camp on the Brazos and captured twelve of his twenty-two men, 
Johnson among the number. The escaping Americans joined 
Walker’s camp at the mouth of Navasota River. Perez pursued 
them and attacked Walker’s camp with such suddenness that, 
though all the Americans escaped, they lost all their baggage and 
equipment except their firearms. They fled to Captain Smith’s 
camp at thF^Coochattie village on the Trinity River. This point 
was soon attacked by the Spanish and the Americans dispersed. 
David Long, a brother of General Long, was killed when the 
camp of Captain Johnson was attacked. 

When the news of these disasters reached Nacogdoches it cre¬ 
ated a panic and the garrison and whole population fled toward 
the Sabine. When General Long returned to Nacogdoches he 
found the village and garrison deserted and he followed the 
fleeing garrison and families across the Sabine. The Americans 
escaping at the Coochattie village retreated down the Trinity in 
boats and on to Bolivar Point. General Long recrossed the Sa- 


74 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


bine with a few faithful followers and joined his few remaining 
troops at this place. 

Perez marched his troops to Nacogdoches and invested the 
place without resistance. On his route to Nacogdoches he laid 
waste the country, by burning and otherwise destroying all 
property he came across. He said in his official report: “I 
burned thirty habitations which had been abandoned by the fug¬ 
itives. They left large crops of corn, potatoes, pumpkins, and 
various other vegetables, and gangs of hogs, and flocks of fowls, 
which were profitably employed for the subsistence of the troops. 
1 left nothing which might possibly serve in future, except ex¬ 
tensive fields which they had opened up for cultivation. ’ ’ 

The adversities which came to Long’s plans did not crush his 
determination to continue his revolution to free Texas from 
Spanish control. He recognized that the clouds which mutter 
and threaten but give the rain which makes the fields smile and 
the streams sing. The hour called for great thought and speedy 
action. These frosts of disappointment and misfortune stirred 
him to higher ambition and greater activities. He therefore pro¬ 
ceeded to New Orleans for recruits and supplies. Here he met 
General Ripley and other sympathizers who offered words of 
encouragement which kindled within his bosom new ambitions. 
They introduced him to Don Felix Trespalacios, Ben Milam, 
John Austin, and Colonel Christy, who were fitting but an ex¬ 
pedition to go to the aid of the Republicans in Mexico, who were 
struggling to throw off the Spanish yoke. He enthusiastically 
entered into an agreement with these patriots to make a common 
cause with them against Spain. They jointly fitted out four ves¬ 
sels with supplies, and with a few recruits they sailed for Bolivar 
Point on Galveston Bay. Mrs. Long and a servant accompanied 
the party. They reached Galveston just as Lafitte was seen to 
sail out of the harbor, for his last time, with his favorite vessel, 
the Pride. Long and his companions proceeded from Galveston 
Island to Bolivar Point. Here they erected temporary quarters 
and proceeded to work out a plan for future operations. It was 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


75 


agreed that Trespalacios, Milam and Christy, with a small force, 
would sail along the coast and effect a landing in the region of 
Tampico, raise an army and move north and co-operate with 
Long’s forces in their descent southward from Goliad. They suc¬ 
ceeded in landing as was agreed upon, but the plans to join Long 
never materialized. 

Long finally sailed from Bolivar, leaving his wife, a negro 
servant girl, Mrs. Dr. Allen, Dr. Edgar and wife, and three or 
four men, a mounted cannon, small arms, munitions, and a sup¬ 
ply of provisions. The little mud fort which had been hastily 
erected before Long’s departure, was thus left in the hands of 
this little group. Long’s entire force consisted of fifty-two men. 
His fleet consisted of a schooner and two sloops. He set sail for 
Matagorda Bay late in. September, 1821, his destination being 
La Bahia (Goliad). They entered Matagorda Bay and sailing 
through the Bay of Espirita Santo, landed at Mesquite Landing, 
on the west bank of the Colorado River, fifteen miles above its 
mouth. Leaving the vessels in charge of one of his men. Long 
marched with his men upon La Bahia. They reached La Bahia 
(Goliad) during the night of October 3rd, surrounded the fort 
and at daylight attacked the place. There was but a feeble re¬ 
sistance and the garrison surrendered. Long held peaceful pos¬ 
session of the place for three days. On the fourth day Francisco 
Perez and Fernando Rodriquez arrived and attacked Long’s 
force. They were repulsed with heavy losses. After their defeat 
they sent a messenger to Long advising him that they did not 
desire to shed any more blood and if he would surrender he and 
his force would be kindly treated. Long refused their offer and 
the battle was renewed. The battle raged with great fierceness 
for two hours. The Spanish occupied positions on the housetops 
and were protected by palisades, but the Americans dealt death 
to every one of them who exposed his person. Seeing that the 
Americans could not be dislodged, the Spanish sounded a parley, 
and sent in this message: “We have made a mistake; we thought 
you were Royalists. We are patriots, too. We wish to receive 
you as friends.” 


76 


EOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


“Why then are you fighting under a Spanish flag/^ asked 
Long. 

“Because,” came the answer, “there is a large Royalist force 
near at hand and we wish to deceive them if it becomes 
necessary. ” . 

Two days later. Long was induced to receive them in the 
fort as friends. Under the pretext that they desired to quiet the 
fears of the women and children, they succeeded in inducing 
Long to lay down his arms. As soon as they laid down their 
arms the Spanish embraced them warmly and professed great 
friendship. Under an agreement made with the Spanish before 
laying down his arms, Long was to have an escort to conduct him 
and his force to join Trespalacios. Instead of carrying out this 
agreement. Long, Major Burns, and Captain Austin were 
ordered into line and required to give their name, age, and place 
of nativity, avowing that this was necessary that they might be 
assigned places of residence among the families in the town. 
As soon as they assembled for this alleged purpose, the house 
was surrounded by a large body of armed Spaniards and they 
were told that they were prisoners. They were confined in filthy 
dungeons, and in a short time marched to San Antonio. They 
were held incognito for three days, when they were transferred 
to Laredo under a strong guard. After being held here a short 
time, they were allowed to proceed on their own responsibility to 
the City of Mexico. They arrived in the City of Mexico just as 
Iturbide assumed the reigns of government. They were received 
kindly by the new officials. Here they met Trespalacios, Milam 
and Christy, whom they had left at Bolivar Point. Long soon 
made friends among the ^lexican officials, and his counsel and 
advice were sought, and he began to arrange to return to Texas 
and the United States. 

Trespalacios was appointed by Iturbide as Governor of Texas. 
Immediately after he received his appointment he began to treat 
Long discourteously, and when he entered the old Inquisition to 
pay his respects to the Commission from Chile, he was confronted 
and murdered by a soldier whom Long’s friends openly claimed 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


77 


was a hired assassin of Trespalacios’. Milam, Austin and Christy 
left the City of Mexico very indignant because of the murder 
of Long and went to Monterey. Here they resolved to avenge 
Long’s death upon the arrival of Trespalacios, but somehow their 
plans were exposed. Milam, Austin, Christy and their associates 
were arrested and conveyed back to the City of Mexico and 
thrown into prison. They remained in confinement until Presi¬ 
dent Adams secured their release in December, 1822. All the 
members of Long’s expedition held as prisoners were released 
with Milam, Austin and Christy. 

Thus came an end of Long’s effort to revolutionize Texas. 

It will be recalled that General Long left his wife with a few 
companions in the little .mud fort at Bolivar Point. Here she 
remained until she received information of the general’s death. 

The mind cannot picture the horrors and privations she en¬ 
dured during her lonely wait for her husband’s return. The win¬ 
ter was severe. Her companions, one by one, deserted her. A new 
baby was born to her and, without medical aid or experienced 
nursing, she was her own midwife. Provisions grew scarce, the 
savage Indians threatened her destruction, but with her servant 
girl she struggled, and waited for her husband’s return. 

The imagination cannot reveal the sorrows and privations she 
endured. She was urged to leave the old mud fort and seek 
shelter under the roofs of kindly friends, but she had promised 
the general '‘to hold the fort” until his return and she must 
keep faith with him. Days and weeks passed, but no tidings came 
to relieve the mental and physical strain which was weighing 
heavily upon her. Finally, on a bleak day in April, 1822, two 
men arrived at the old mud fort—^the first she had seen in 
months. But they did not come with a message of cheer, but one 
of death. As soon as they approached, she recognized the fea¬ 
tures of her old friend, Randall Jones, who, accompanied by his 
brother James Jones, had visited her bearing the sad news of 
her husband’s death. Pew words were spoken before preparation 
to depart from the fort of desolation were begun. They accom- 


78 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


panied Mrs. Long to San Antonio. She remained there but a 
short time, when she made her way to the City of Mexico that she 
might view the spot where her husband had been struck down by 
the assassin’s bullet. From the City of Mexico she returned to 
Texas and took up her residence in the old town of Brazoria. 
She later moved to Richmond, where she continued to reside 
until her death, which occurred December 30, 1880, at the age 
of eighty-two. She was buried in the cemetery at Richmond, 
and a neat monument marks the place where rests the remains 
of as brave and womanly a mother as ever adorned Southern 
society. 


THE GOVERNMENT OF COAHUILA AND TEXAS 


Under the State Constitution of 1824. 

Congress of the Joint Provinces Promulgate a Constitution — 
Capitol Fixed at Saltillo—Provided for Officers, Executive 
Council and Permanent Deputies—Duties of Member Defined — 
Texas Divided into Judicial Districts—Provided for Interior 
Judges—Provides for a System of Education. 

Frequent reference is made by writers on Texas history to 
the constitution which governed the Provinces of Coahuila and 
Texas during the first half of the nineteenth century. To secure 
a clear understanding of these references a brief discussion of 
the laws, decrees, etc., enacted under this constitution, is deemed 
appropriate at this time. To be able to discuss these matters in 
an intelligent manner we are forced to draw largely upon Mex¬ 
ican records, although the files of the Bexar and Nacogdoches 
records and the Austin and Lamar papers, supply valuable data 
covering this period. 

According to a decree of the Mexican Federal Government the 
Provinces of Coahuila and Texas were united May 7, 1824. The 
congress of these joint provinces met the following August and 
remained in session until March, 1827. This congress framed and 
promulgated a new constitution and passed many laws. Among 
these laws was a general colonization law under which many 
colony grants, issued to Americans, were to be regulated. Baron 
de Bastrop, who was very friendly to American colonization, 
was one of the representatives to that body from the Province of 
Texas. The capitol of Coahuila and Texas was fixed at Saltillo 
and here this first congress, under the decree of Uay 7, 1824, 
held its long session. The Texans maintained agents at Saltillo 
to look after their interests. 

The constitution promulgated by this congress divided the 
powers of government into the usual legislative, executive and 
judicial departments. The congress was composed of one body. 


80 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


Its members were elected for a term of two years. To be quali¬ 
fied to serve as a member of this body one must have attained 
the age of twenty-five years. Foreign-born were required to have 
resided in the republic for a period of eight years and in addition 
theretp, must possess property valued at $8,000, or have an in¬ 
come of $1,000 a year. The congress was required to meet Jan¬ 
uary 1st each and every year, following an election; a second ses¬ 
sion was required to be held in September. The January session 
was limited to four months and the September session to thirty 
days. Members were to receive such compensation as the pre¬ 
ceding congress fixed. The compensation of the first congress 
to convene under the constitution was placed at a hundred pesos 
a month, with mileage of ten reales ($1.25) a league traveling, 
going and returning. The constitution enumerated the powers 
of congress largely after the powers possessed by legislative 
bodies in the United States. The members were enjoined by the 
constitution ‘‘to promote and encourage public knowledge and 
education by laws, and the progress of science, art and useful 
establishments, removing obstacles that retard such commendable 
objects. ’ ’ 

All laws passed were subject to the veto of the governor, but 
could be passed over his veto by a two-thirds vote. The method 
of the governor's veto differed very materially from those of 
legislative bodies in the United States. In the exercise of its 
duties, congress created an executive council of three members, 
whose duty it was made to assist the governor, and he was re¬ 
quired to consult this executive council in determining his course 
of action, on all measures passed by congress, although he was 
free to act as he chose after conferring with the deputies. In the 
event a bill was vetoed, he was authorized to send it back to the 
law-making body with a statement of his objections, and along 
with it a representative to present his reasons for his veto and to 
argue against it if it became necessary. In the event a bill was 
passed over the governor’s veto, he was required to promulgate 
it as the law. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


81 


One provision of the constitution was unique in that it pro¬ 
vided that during the interim between the sessions of congress, 
it was to be represented by a board of four members chosen by 
that body and known as the ‘ ‘ Permanent Deputies. ’ ’ The duties 
of this body were declared to be (1) to watch over the observance 
of the constitution and general laws of the union, and the pri¬ 
vate laws of the State; (2) to convoke extra sessions of congress 
when needed ; (3) to act as a credential committee and install 
new members after an election; (4) to organize a new session of 
congress and to administer the oath of office, and (5) in case of 
emergency, the permanent deputation might exercise the legis¬ 
lative power, reporting its acts to the congress at its next session. 

The usual executive functions were exercised by the governor. 
To be eligible to this office he must have been born in Mexico, 
and must be thirty-five years of age or older. The term of office 
was four years, and he could not be re-elected to succeed himself. 

The constitution also provided for the election of a vice-gov¬ 
ernor. He was ex-officio political chief of the department in 
which the state capitol was located; he could preside over the 
sessions of the executive council, but had no vote except in case 
of a tie vote. His real function was to act in the place of the 
governor in the case of the latter’s incapacity to serve. 

The judicial system was well defined in the constitution. Cer¬ 
tain local officials were given jurisdiction over minor affairs, 
and there was a supreme court which sat at the capitol with ap¬ 
pellate jurisdiction. Persons charged with criminal offense could 
give their testimony without taking an oath. ‘ ‘ Torture and com¬ 
pulsion shall never be used, in securing evidence,” said the con¬ 
stitution. “One of the many objects of attention of Congress,” 
said the constitution, “shall be to establish trial by jury in all 
criminal cases, to extend the same gradually and even adopt it 
in civil cases in proportion as the advantage of this valuable in¬ 
stitution become practically known.” In obedience to this in¬ 
junction, congress passed an act, April 17, 1834, extending trial 
by jury in both civil and criminal cases and more clearly defin¬ 
ing a judicial system. 


82 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY' 


The State of Texas was divided into three judicial districts, 
with a judge for each district. Inferior judges were provided 
for, corresponding with the present justices of the peace and 
county judges. The whole State was formed into one judicial 
circuit, denominated the “Superior Judicial Court of Texas.’' 
It was composed of one superior judge, one secretary, and one 
sheriff for each judicial district. This superior court was to open 
its sessions at San Antonio on the first Monday of January, 
April and August; at San Felipe on the first Monday in Febru¬ 
ary, IMay and September; and at Nacogdoches on the first Mon¬ 
day in March, June and October. Superior judges were to be ap-. 
pointed by congress on nomination of the governor. They held 
office during good behavior and received $3,000 a year. Court 
proceedings could be carried on in both English and Spanish. 
Eight men out of twelve were sufficient to render a verdict. For 
local administration, the constitution divided Coahuila and 
Texas into three departments, all Texas constituting the Depart¬ 
ment of Bexar, with its capitol at San Antonio. A political chief 
presided over this department. He was appointed by the gov¬ 
ernor for a term of four years, on nomination of the local munici¬ 
pality. He received a salary of $800 a year and $400 for clerk 
hire and other expenses. He was the chief executive officer in 
his department, responsible for its peace and order. All laws 
and instructions, from superior authorities, were promulgated 
by him, and it was through him that citizens were able to com¬ 
municate with the government. 

In 1831 the eastern part of Texas was formed into a separate 
department, known as the Department of Nacogdoches. Its 
boundary was defined as beginning at Bolivar Point, on Gal¬ 
veston Bay. Thence running northwesterly to a stake between 
San Jacinto and Trinity Rivers, following the dividing ridge 
between the said rivers to the head waters of San Jacinto River. 
Thence following the dividing ridge between the Brazos and 
Trinity Rivers to the headwaters of the latter, and terminating 
north of the source of said Trinity River upon Red River. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


83 


In March, 1834, the Department of the Brazos was created. 
It embraced all that territory between the Departments of Bexar 
and Nacogdoches, the line between the Departments of the Brazos 
and of Bexar being in general the Lavaca and Guadalupe Rivers. 
Each of these departments was divided into municipalities, each 
consisting of a town or village, and an indefinite area of country 
surrounding it. The government of the municipality was vested 
in a board called the ayuntamiento elected by the citizens of the 
municipality. The presiding officer was known as the Alcalde. 
This office closely resembles that of mayor. The other members 
of the board were two or more regidores, according to the popu¬ 
lation of the municipality, and one sindico procurador. The 
regidores were the modern ward aldermen, and the sindico was 
the town clerk or recorder. The Alcalde was the official head 
of the municipality, and received and promulgated all public 
documents received from the political chief. Municipal officers 
were elected by direct vote of the citizens of the municipality. 
State officers were elected by a different system. Primaries were 
held in each precinct of a municipality for the choice of electors. 
Voting was done by viva voce. As the name was called, the 
elector announced his vote and it was so recorded by tellers. The 
registration of voters was canvassed by the ayuntamiento and 
reported through the commissioners to the political chief of the 
department. The commissioners, in the presence of the political 
chief, canvassed the votes of the various municipalities, deter¬ 
mined and announced the successful electoral candidates. Then 
the electors met at the capitol of the department and selected 
representatives to the State congress, and voted for governor and 
vice-governor. The election of governor and vice-governor was 
not completed until all of the votes of all electors’ assemblies of 
the State were canvassed at the capitol. In case no candidate 
for governor and vice-governor received a majority of all votes 
cast, the election of these officers was made by congress, where 
one of the leading candidates was chosen. 

The constitution also provided for a system of public educa¬ 
tion and a method of teaching the youths. “In all the States,” 


84 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


it provided, “a suitable number of primary schools shall be es¬ 
tablished wherein shall be taught reading, writing, arithmetic, 
the catechism of the Christian Religion, a brief and simple expo¬ 
sition of the Constitution, and that of the Republic, the rights 
and duties of men in society and whatever else may conduce to 
the better education of youths.' ’ Further, it provided the method 
of teaching shall be uniform throughout the State, and with this 
view * * * * congress shall form a general plan of public edu¬ 
cation, and regulate by means of statutes and laws all that per¬ 
tains to this most important object. It also provided for the 
establishment of institutions of higher education where the arts 
and sciences were to be taught. 


THE FREDONIAN REBELLION AND WHAT 
BECAME OF IT 

A Page op Texas History Full of Romance and Tragedy. 

Hayden Edwards Secures a Colony Contract—His Trouble with 
Settlers—Governor Blanco Annuls His Contract—Orders Ed¬ 
wards to Leave the State—Edwards and His Friends Revolt — 
Make Compact with Indians—Battle of Nacogdoches—Austin 
Refused to Encourage thje Revolt—Mexican Troops March to 

Nacogdoches—Edwards Evacuates Nacogdoches and Flees. 

The Fredonian Rebellion occurred in the latter part of 1826, 
and was the termination of the trouble between Hayden Ed¬ 
wards and his brother B. W. Edwards, and the Governor of 
Coahuila and Texas, Don Victor Blanco, over a colonization con¬ 
tract granted Hayden Edwards, April 18, 1825, to settle eight 
hundred families within a defined territory which included the 
old town of Nacogdoches, which was made the capital of his 
colony. 

The leaders of this revolt were good American citizens who 
were imbued with the motives of patriotism. Yet the precipitate 
course pursued by them was unwise. This was proven by events 
following closely the collapse of the revolt. The provocation, 
however, was great. The Edwards brothers and their American 
colleagues felt that the harsh treatment by Governor Blanco 
justified them in rebelling against a government that would not 
protect its subjects against treacherous enemies who, in a spirit 
of rebellion, misrepresented the management of the colony. 

The selection of Nacogdoches County in which to plant a col¬ 
ony was unfortunate. This section had the misfortune of having 
within its limits a number of American and Mexican settlers who 
acknowledged no government and recognized no constituted 
authority. Many of them had no claim to the land except a 
squatter’s claim. They regarded Edwards and his colonists as 
meddlers and intruders, and were in constant rebellion against 
all regulatory rules inaugurated by Edwards. Many of the 


86 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


squatter-settlers had abandoned their claims during the turbu¬ 
lent times of 1819. But after IMexico achieved her independence 
from Spanish rule, they returned to take up their abode on their 
abandoned lands. Some of these squatter-settlers were criminals 
who had fled from the United States. From the very beginning 
of the colony local disturbances annoyed the colonists. 

A short time after securing his colony contract, Hayden Ed¬ 
wards visited the United States in quest of colonists and ap¬ 
pointed his brother, B. W. Edwards, to represent him at Nacog¬ 
doches until his return. Edwards made his first report to the po¬ 
litical chief of the Texas district early in January, 1826. In this 
report he advised the political chief of the disturbances in his 
colony, but that he had secured an observance of the law from 
all except two men, Jose Antonio Sepulveda and Luis Procela, 
and that the former had been guilty of forging drafts for money 
and land titles; that the latter had fled from prison in the United 
States, and since his arrival at Nacogdoches had been acting as 
Alcalde by proxy. Edwards advised the political chief that had 
these men been citizens of the United States, he would have dealt 
summarily with them as he had a right to do, under the law. 
Sepulveda and Procela were Mexicans, as was the political chief, 
who became offended because of Edward’s letter. 

It appears that Sepulveda and Procela proceeded to work 
getting up old land titles to the best lands in the colony grant 
and were not so honest that they would not manufacture titles 
when necessary. ]\Iany of the tracts of land had been granted 
before 1819 and the titles had lapsed because of abandonment 
and non-fulfillment of contract. On learning of this action on 
the part of Sepulveda and Procela, Edwards issued an order re¬ 
quiring all claimants, under old grants, to present them in order 
that such as were genuine should be reviewed and all spurious 
ones rejected, Edwards declared that the lands for which titles 
were not proven would be put on the market and sold, but that 
the purchasers should pay the claimant for the improvements 
thereon. The political chief did not recognize Edwards’ right 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


87 


to sell these lands and reported Edwards' course to Governor 
Blanco. 

Another cause of offense was an order issued by Edwards look¬ 
ing to the organizing of the militia and the election of an Al¬ 
calde. The election, however, was ordered. Two candidates of¬ 
fered for the office, Chaplin, the son-in-law of Edwards, and a 
Mr. Norris, a brother-in-law of Captain, James Gaines. Most of 
the votes cast for Chaplin were thrown out and Norris was de¬ 
clared elected. This incensed Chaplin's friends and they re¬ 
counted the votes and declared him elected. Chaplin took pos¬ 
session of the office, disposessing Norris. 

Another cause of trouble grew out of a trivial affair, the ap¬ 
pointment by Edwards of a ferryman at the San Antonio road 
crossing of the Trintiy River. It appears that the former Al¬ 
calde of Nacogdoches had appointed a man by the name of 
Tramel who built boats and established a ferry according to con¬ 
tract. Tramel soon sold the ferry to another person who took 
possession. Soon following this the owner of the ferry invited a 
Mexican by the name of Sertuche to come to the ferry and take 
charge of it and run it for him. This Sertuche did. Sertuche 
later took possession of the ferry in his own name and refused 
to recognize the rights of the rightful owner. When Edwards 
learned of this he dispossessed Sertuche and restored the ferry 
to the owner. This act of Edwards' displeased the political chief, 
who ordered that the ferry be restored to Sertuche, claiming that 
as Sertuche was a Mexican he was entitled to the preference. 
This greatly displeased Edwards who claimed, rightfully no 
doubt, that preferences only applied to the granting of lands. 

B. W. Edwards, who represented the colony during the absence 
of his brother, Hayden Edwards, protested vigorously against 
the many interferences of the political chief. But his protests 
were of no avail. In a letter, July 21, 1826, addressed to Stephen 
F. Austin, he gave a detailed statement of the treatment he and 
his brother had received. He reviewed the actions of Captain 
James Gaines and the Mexican Sepulveda in their efforts, he 
said, to prejudice the colonists against his brother. He com- 


88 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


plained bitterly of unsettled conditions existing in the colony as 
a result of intrigue. “The rumbling of the volcano,” he said, 
“has already become audible around us, and if any accident 
should cause its explosion in any part of its surface, not all our 
efforts could arrest its progress.” Mr. Austin very promptly 
replied to Mr. Edwards’ letter in which appears the following: 
“You wish me to advise you. I scarcely know what course is 
best. The uncertainty as to the precise nature of the charges 
against you render it difficult, nay, impossible to make a reg¬ 
ular defense. I think, however, I would write directly to the 
Governor of the State, give him a full statement of facts and a 
very minute history of the acts of your principal enemies and 
their manner of doing business in every particular, both in re¬ 
gard to your brother as well as to all others. State the general 
situation of the country, the confusion and difficulties which 
exist, and the cause of them, etc., in order that the government 
may have the whole subject fully before them, and be enabled 
to judge the motives that have influenced those who have been 
most clamorous against you. Write in English, and make an 
apology for doing so, as that it is impossible to procure trans¬ 
lators, etc. 

“I advise the utmost caution and prudence on your part and 
that of all your friends as to your expressions, for every word 
you utter will probably be watched and reported if considered 
exceptionable.” 

This letter convinced B. W. Edwards of the sincere friendship 
of Stephen F. Austin, and he at once proceeded to follow his ad¬ 
vice by writing to Governor Blanco a full account of the causes 
of unrest and the difficulties encountered in administering the 
affairs of the colony. He closed his letter by requesting the gov¬ 
ernor to stay proceedings against his brother until he returned 
home, to afford him an opportunity to make defense. 

In replying to Mr.. Edwards’ letter, Governor Blanco wrote 
the following, bearing date of October 2, 1826: 

‘ ‘ In view of such proceedings, by which the conduct of Hayden 
Edwards is well attested, I have declared the annulment of his 


EOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


89 


contract, and his expulsion from the territory of the Republic, 
in discharge of the Supreme Orders with which I am vested. He 
has lost the confidence of the government, which is suspicious of 
his fidelity; besides, it is not prudent to admit those who begin 
by dictating laws as sovereigns. If to you or your constituents 
these measures are unwelcome and prejudicial, you can apply 
to the Supreme Government; but you will first evacuate the 
country, both yourself and Hayden Edwards; for which purpose 
I this day repeat my orders to the authorities of that department, 
in the execution of which, as they will expel from the country all 
evil-doers, so they will extend full protection to those of worth, 
probity and useful skill, that have settled therein, and are sub¬ 
missive to the laws and constituted authorities.’^ 

Hayden Edwards returned to Nacogdoches before the arrival 
of this letter. Its receipt greatly disturbed him and he deter¬ 
mined that he w^ould not be deported from the State, and began 
to plan to resist. Appeals were sent to the colonists and to the 
Cherokee Indians. These Indians readily agreed to unite with 
Edwards to resist the authority of the government. A confer¬ 
ence with some of the Indian chiefs was held and a treaty league 
entered into between the colony adherent of the Edwards and 
the Cherokee Indians. The conference lasted three days. On 
the 20th of December, 1826, a plan of alliance was adopted and 
ratified and a compact entered into. This compact read as 
follows: 

‘‘Whereas the Government of Mexican United States have, by 
repeated insults, treachery and oppression reduced the White 
and Red emigrants from the United States of North America 
now living in the Province of Texas within the territory of the 
said Government, into which they have been deluded by prom¬ 
ises solemnly made and most basely broken, to the dreadful al¬ 
ternative of either submitting their free born necks to the yoke 
of an imbecile, faithless and despotic government, miscalled a 
Republic, or of taking up arms in defense of their inalienable 
rights and asserting their Independence. They, viz: The White 
emigrants now assembled in the town of Nacogdoches, around 


90 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


the Independent Standard, on the one part, and the Red emi¬ 
grants who have espoused the same Holy Cause, on the other, 
in order to prosecute more speedily and effectually the War of 
Independence, they have mutually undertaken, to a successful 
issue, and to bind themselves by the ligaments of reciprocal in¬ 
terests and obligations, have resolved to form a Treaty of Union, 
League and Confederation. 

“For the illustrious object, Benjamin W. Edwards and Har¬ 
mon B. Mayo, Agents of the Committee of Independence, and 
Richard Fields and John Dunn Hunter, the Agents of the Red 
people, being respectively furnished with due powers, have 
agreed to the following articles: 

“ (1) The above named contracting parties bind themselves 
to a solemn Union, League and Confederation, in Peace and 
War, to establish and defend their mutual independence of the 
Mexican United States. 

“(2) The contracting parties guarantee, mutually, to the ex¬ 
tent of their powers, the integrity of their respective territories 
as now agreed upon and described, viz; The territory apportioned 
to the Red people, shall begin at Sandy Spring, where Bradley 
road takes off the road leading from Nacogdoches to the planta¬ 
tion of Joseph Durst from thence west by the compass, without 
regard to variation to the Rio Grande, thence to the head of the 
Rio Grande; thence with the mountains to the head of Big Red 
River; thence north to the boundary of the United States of 
North America; thence with the same line to the mouth of the 
Sulphur Fork; thence in a right line to the beginning. 

“The territory apportioned to the white people shall compre¬ 
hend all the residue of the Province of Texas, and such other por¬ 
tions of the Mexican United States, as the contracting parties, 
by their efforts and resources may render independent, pro¬ 
vided the same shall not extend further west than the Rio 
Grande. 

“(3) The contracting parties mutually guarantee the rights 
of Empresarios to their premium lands only, and the rights of 
other individuals acquired under the Mexican Government, and 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 91 

relating or appertaining to the above described territories, pro¬ 
vided the said Empresarios and individuals do not forfeit the 
same by an opposition to the Independence of the said Territo¬ 
ries, or by withdrawing their aid and support to its accom¬ 
plishment. 

“(4) It is distinctly understood by the contracting parties 
that the territory apportioned to the Red people is intended as 
well for the benefit of the tribes now settled within the territory 
apportioned to the white people, as for those living in the former 
territory, and that it is incumbent upon the contracting parties 
for the Red people to offer the said tribes a participation in the 
same. 

‘‘(5) It is mutually agreed by the contracting parties that 
every individual Red and White who has made improvements 
within either of the respective allied territories and lives upon 
the same, shall have a fee simple of a section of land including 
his improvement, as well as the protection of the government 
under which he may reside. 

“(6) The contracting parties mutually agree that all roads, 
navigable streams, and all other channels of conveyance within 
each territory, shall be open and free to the use of the inhab¬ 
itants of the other. 

“ (7) The contracting parties mutually stipulate that they 
will direct all their resources to the prosecution of the Heaven 
inspired course which has given birth to this solemn Union, 
League and Confederation, firmly relying upon their united 
efforts, and the strong arm of Heaven for success. 

“In faith whereof the agents of the respective contracting 
parties hereunto affix their names. Done in the town of Nacog¬ 
doches, this the 21st day of December in the year of Our Lord, 
one thousand eight hundred and twenty-six. 

“(Signed j B. W. Edwards Ricijard Field 

H. B. Mayo John D. Hunter 


92 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


“We, the Committee of Independence and the Committee of 
Red people, do ratify the above Treaty, and do pledge ourselves 

Done on the day above mentioned. 


to maintain it in good faith. 
(Signed) 

Richard Fields 
John D. Hunter 
Ne-ko-lake 
John Bags 
Cuk-to-keh 
Hayden Edwards 


^Iartin Palmer, President. 
W. B. Legon 
John Spraw 
B. P. Thompson 
Jos. A. Huber 
B. W. Edwards 
H. B. :\rayo.” 


Immediately following the signing of this treaty, the same was 
laid before the colonists and their approval was secured without 
delay. The Indian chiefs who had taken part in arranging the 
treaty departed for the Cherokee village for the purpose of se¬ 
curing the ratification of the various tribes of Indians they rep¬ 
resented. In this they failed. The Kickapoos, one of the most 
formidable associated tribes, refused flatly to sanction any coali¬ 
tion with the colonists as they cherished the most bitter hostili¬ 
ties toward the whites on account of the treatment they received 
by them during the war between Great Britain and the United 
States. After some time spent in an effort to secure the aid of 
the Indian tribes, it was agreed that Fields should remain for a 
while at the Cherokee village and Hunter should return to 
Nacogdoches with such Indians as he could induce to join in 
upholding the treaty. He accordingly set out for Nacogdoches 
with thirty warriors. When Hunter arrived at Nacogdoches he 
found a confused condition owing to dissension among the Fre- 
donians. IMany of the Indians departed for their village. Hunter 
remained, however, with eighteen or twenty of his warriors and 
he very soon had an opportunity to prove his fidelity to the 
cause he had espoused. 

Norris, the deposed Alcalde, became impatient because of the 
delay of the Mexican troops from San Antonio, and began to 
plan an attack on the Fredonian force in the old stone fort. He 
accordingly collected about eighty ^lexicans for that purpose. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


93 


They marched through the village of Nacogdoches, toward the 
stone fort. When they reached a point near the fort the Fre- 
donians marched out to meet them and a fierce battle was soon 
raging. Norris and his band were badly defeated and retreated 
in great confusion, and were soon out of reach of the Fredonians. 
They had killed one of Norris’ band, wounded twelve and cap¬ 
tured about half their horses. But security was of short dura¬ 
tion. Tt soon became clear to the leaders of the Fredonians that 
the promised co-operation of the many tribes of Indians could 
not be secured, as pledged by their representatives, who were 
parties to the Treaty-League agreement of December 21. Then 
they turned in an effort to arouse the settlers in Austin’s Colony. 

B. W. Edw’ards addressed a strong appeal to them for aid in 
carrying out the plans of the revolters. This letter bears date of 
January 16, 1827. In this appeal, Mr. Edwards advised the set¬ 
tlers of the treaty with the Indians. He said: “We have made 
a solemn treaty with Col. Richard Fields and Dr. John D. Hunter 
as the representatives of twenty-one nations of Indians, who are 
now in alliance with the Comanche nation. In this treaty your 
rights, your lands, are guaranteed unless you take up arms 
against us. * * * I have been honored with the chief command 
of our forces. I will pledge my life, my honor, for the security 
of your rights, and the safety and protection of your wives and 
children. You have nothing to fear from us, or from our allies. 
We have not taken up arms against you, my friends, but to pro¬ 
tect you and ourselves. If we meet in bloody conflict w^e, at least, 
will not be the aggressors.” 

This appeal failed in its purpose. Mr. Austin realized the dan¬ 
gers of arousing the Mexican government at that time and the 
alternative to his mind was, war with Mexico and certain de¬ 
struction, or war with the Fredonians and their Indian Con¬ 
federates with a chance of preventing bloodshed and ultimate 
ruin to the colonies. The situation was perplexing, but the crisis 
had to be met. After a thorough discussion of the situation with 
the leaders of his colony, Austin decided against the Fredonians 
and sent out an address to his colonists bearing date of January 


94 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


22, 1827, in which he appealed to them to stand by the govern¬ 
ment and unite to put down the revolt. In this remarkable appeal 
he said: 

“The persons who were sent on from this colony by the‘politi¬ 
cal chief and military commandant, to offer peace to the Nacog¬ 
doches madmen, have returned, without having effected any¬ 
thing. The olive branch of peace that was magnanimously held 
out to them has been insultingly refused, and that party has de¬ 
nounced massacre and desolation on this colony. They are try¬ 
ing to excite the northern Indians to murder and plunder, and 
it appears as though they have no other object than to ruin this 
country. They are no longer Americans, for they have forfeited 
all title to that high name by their unnatural and bloody alliance 
with Indians: they openly threaten us with Indian massacre, and 
the plunder of our property. 

‘ ‘ Ought we to hesitate at such a moment ? Shall we hesitate to 
take up arms against them because they were our countrymen? 
No, they are our countrymen no longer. They have, by a solemn 
treaty, united and identified themselves with Indians; and 
pledged their faith to carry on a w^ar of murder and plunder 
against the principal inhabitants of Texas. They are worse than 
the natives of the forest with whom they are allied; and it is our 
duty as men, as Americans and as Adopted Mexicans, to prove 
to those infatuated criminals, and to the world, that we have 
not forgotten the land of our birth, nor the principles of honor 
and patriotism we inherited from our fathers; and that we are 
not to be dictated to and drawn into crime and anarchy by a 
chosen band of renegades. The Civil and Military Chief of 
Texas, accompanied by a chosen band of national troops, march 
with us, who in union with the brave and patriotic militia of 
this colony will be fully able -to crush in its infancy, this mad, 
unjust and unnatural rebellion. * * * Every man able to bear 
arms is now wanted. Temporary inconvenience and loss must 
and ought to be borne of necessity and duty * * * . j ^qw call 
on you to turn out e/i masse and join us on the road to Nacog¬ 
doches, as soon as possible.” 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


95 


Mr. Austin wrote a similar address to the colonists in the Dis¬ 
trict of Victoria in which he urged them to be true to the gov¬ 
ernment, and adds: small body of infatuated madmen of 

Nacogdoches have declared independence and invited the In¬ 
dians from Sabine to Rio Grande to join them and wage a war 
of murder, plunder and desolation on the innocent inhabitants 
of the frontier. The leader of this party is Martin Palmer. Jim 
Collier, Bill English, the Yocums and men of that character are 
his associates. * * * . The chief of department and the military 
commander will be here tomorrow, or next day, on their way to 
Nacogdoches and I wish to raise an escort of about thirty men 
to go on with them. This is a mark of respect we owe to these 
officers, and at this particular time it would be a decisive in¬ 
fluence on the future prospects of this colony. It will also have 
a very great influence in the quieting and settling of the diffi¬ 
culties in that part of the country for the men to go from here, 
for their presence under the banner of the government will at 
once dissipate the errors which those people have been induced 
to believe by a few artful men as regards the part this colony 
would take. It will have a much better effect for the people to 
volunteer in this service than to be called on officially, and in 
order to give them a full opportunity of showing their patriotism 
and their love of good order, virtue and justice, I have made no 
official call, but merely appeal to you as men of honor, as Mex¬ 
icans and as Americans, to do your duty; but I am happy to say 
in this instance, they are the same. It is our duty as Mexicans , 
to support and defend the government of our adoption, by whom 
we have been received with the kindness and liberality of an in¬ 
dulgent parent. It is our duty as men to suppress vice, anarchy 
and Indian massacre. And it is our duty as Americans to defend 
that proud name from the infamy which this Nacogdoches gang 
must cast upon it, if they are suffered to progress * * * , The 
occasion requires an effort on the part of the people of this col¬ 
ony, and to give it its full force, I wish that it should be volun¬ 
tary and unanimous. And I wish the inhabitants in the District 
of Victoria to meet and adopt such resolutions on this subject as 


96 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


their patriotism may suggest and to come out openly and above 
board in expressing their disapprobation of this Nacogdoches 
business and make an offer of their service to the Governor to 
march against the insurgents, should it be necessary to do so. 
And then appoint a committee to wait on the Chief of the De¬ 
partment with the respects of those inhabitants and to present 
the resolutions. Such a thing will be done by every other part 
of the colony and will have a happy influence on our prosperity. ’ ’ 
In addition to this appeal to the settlers in his colony, Mr. 
Austin addressed a stirring appeal to John Dunn Hunter, chief 
of the Cherokees, in which he attempted to dissuade him from 
further alliance with the Fredonians, and promised to aid him 
in securing lands for his tribe. Securing no assurances from 
Hunter that he would abandon his league with the Fredonians, 
Mr. Austin directed an appeal to the Cherokees urging them to 
withdraw from their alliance with Edwards. This letter was de¬ 
livered to the Cherokees by John Cummings and William Rob¬ 
bins who stood high in the esteem of the Cherokee tribes. He also 
sent by these messengers a copy of the letter he had written to 
Hunter which he felt had been concealed from them. In this 
letter to the Cherokees, ]\Ir. Austin spoke frankly of his opinion 
of the Edwards rebellion and the attempt to secure the aid of 
the Cherokees. He closed his appeal by stating that “Edwards 
is deceiving you. He once threatened to take your lands from 
you and would have done so if he could. He had no right to in- 
'terfere with you. The government gave him no right to disturb 
you and he is the only man who has ever attempted to molest 
you, and now he pretends to be your friend and wants you to 
fight his battles and ruin yourself. Will you suffer such a man 
to deceive you? The government annulled his contract because 
he was trying to take away land from those who were settlers 
before he went there; he tried to take away your lands, but the 
government stopped him and defended and protected your rights 
as well as the rights of the whites. Will you fight for such a man 
and turn against the government that has protected you from 
his attempt to ruin you ? No, my friends, you will not; you have 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


97 


been deceived by him, leave him and come and see the Governor 
and hear the truth.” This letter bore date of January 24, 1827. 
Many municipalities and villages in Austin’s colony met and 
adopted strong resolutions against the action of Edwards and 
pledged their support to the Government. Colonists in the De 
Witt colony also came out strongly against the Edwards re¬ 
bellion. 

When the political chief of the Texas District learned of the 
revolt at Nacogdoches, he at once began to prepare to put it 
down. He ordered Colonel Ahumada, the Mexican commander 
at San Antonio, to march with his troops to the seat of war. He 
also issued an order to Mr. Austin, at San Felipe, to raise a 
force of the militia and co-operate with the troops under Colonel 
Ahumada, which would join him at San Felipe. In obedience 
to this order Mr. Austin called together a respectable number 
of his colonists and told them to be in readiness to join Colonel 
Ahumada’s troops. He also sent commissioners to Nacogdoches 
to confer with Edwards and other revolters in an effort to secure 
an agreement to disband. Mr. Edwards and his followers de¬ 
clined to comply with Austin’s request. 

Late in January, 1827, Colonel Ahumada arrived in San 
Felipe with his troops. After a few days rest they took up their 
march to Nacogdoches. Mr. Austin and his force accompanied 
them. They were joined enroute by settlers from Trinity and 
San Jacinto. When near Nacogdoches they Yere met by couriers 
and advised that Edwards had disbanded liis troops and evac¬ 
uated the town. The Mexican troops and Mr. Austin’s colonists 
entered the town with the honors of a bloodless victory. 

Thus had come to an end a revolt that at one time threatened 
serious consequences to the Texas colonists. 

Colonel Ahumada assured the inhabitants of Nacogdoches and 
the surrounding country that there was nothing to fear from the 
government and that they should return to their homes and avo¬ 
cations as if nothing had occurred. 

Mr. Edwards and most of his leaders, how’ever, fled to the 
United States and did not return until 1831. Two of these. Mar- 


98 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


tin Parmer and Major John S. Roberts, became prominent in the 
affairs of the Republic. They were delegates to the convention 
of March 1, 1836, and became signers of the Texas Declaration 
of Independence. 


BUSTAMENTE’S DECREE OF APRIL 6, 1830 


Greatly Annoys and Alarms the Texas Colonists—Strong Pro¬ 
tests Are Filed—Prohibits Americans from Entering Texas — 
Military Posts Established in Texas. 

Nothing that occurred in the eventful year of 1830 was more 
disquieting to the Anglo-American colonists in Texas than the 
passage by the Mexican congress of laws largely in conformity 
with the recommendations of General don Manuel y Teran. In 
1827 Teran was sent to Texas as head of a commission for the 
ostensible purpose of locating the proposed boundary between 
the United States, as a new boundary treaty was being nego¬ 
tiated. In addition to the performance of this duty, he was in¬ 
structed to make a close inspection of the Anglo-American colony 
situation. A preliminary report of the boundary commission was 
made April 8, 1828, and Teran went from Texas to Matamoras. 
He did not tarry long at Matamoras, but was instructed to re¬ 
turn to Texas and make more extended investigations of condi¬ 
tions arising from the Anglo-American colonies. This he did, 
making Nacogdoches his headquarters. 

Teran had great influence with the government. He was 
among the most cultured and intelligent men connected witli 
Mexican affairs at that time. He began his public career during 
Mexico’s struggle for independence from Spain, and until his 
tragic death in 1832, was a loyal supporter of all plans to pro¬ 
mote Mexican progress. On June 30, 1828, he made a report to 
President Victoria in which he gave intimation that the colonists 
were violating the laws of Mexico. On November 14, 1829, he 
wrote a long communication to the minister of war at Mexico 
city, in which he expressed a want of confidence in the loyalty 
of the Anglo-American colonists. This was soon followed by an¬ 
other extended report in which he recommended specific military 
and political action. This report w£S presented to the govern¬ 
ment in person by his aide, Constantino Farnava. These recom- 


100 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


mendations have been summarized by Miss Alliene Howien, in 
April, 1913, issue of the Southwestern Historical Quarterly, as 
follows: (1) The removal to the Nueces River of several com¬ 
panies of troops now on the Rio Grande; (2) the establishment 
of a permanent garrison at the main crossing of the Brazos 
River, that there might be an intermediate force in the unsettled 
region, separating Nacogdoches and Bexar; (3) the reenforce¬ 
ments of existing garrisons by troops of infantry properly be¬ 
longing to them; (4) the occupation and fortification of some 
point above Galveston Bay, and another at the mouth of the 
Brazos River, for the purpose of controlling the colonies; (5) 
the organization of a mobile force, equipped for sudden and 
rapid marches to a threatened point, and (6) the establishment 
of communication by sea, such being more prompt and less ex¬ 
pensive than by land. 

The political measures recommended by Teran have been sum¬ 
marized by Miss Howien as follows: (1) Settlements of convicts 
in Texas; (2) encouragement of immigration of Mexican families 
to Texas; (3) encouragement of Swiss and Germans to Texas; 
(4) encouragement of coast-wise trade; (5) free importation of 
frame houses into Texas; (6) appropriation of the portion of the 
customs receipts shared by the maritime States to the support 
of the troops destined for Texas; (7) free importation into Texas 
of food supplies'for the troops; (8) alteration of Austin’s con¬ 
tract to give the government control of the coast leagues; (9) 
establishment of new Mexican settlements, and the support of 
the same for a time, at government expense; (10) the creation of 
a loan fund for voluntary colonization of Mexican families, and 
(11) special awards or bounties to successful agriculturalists 
among Mexican colonists. 

These recommendations were presented at a very favorable 
moment. Bustamente had [just seized the reigns of the govern¬ 
ment and, in an attempt tolpopularize his administration, he was 
(piite willing to have introduced stringent measures to control 
the Anglo-American colonies. The minister of foreign relations, 
Lucas Alaman, championed Teran’s recommendations, and it 



KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


101 


was not a difficult matter to persuade the Mexican congress to 
enact them into laws, which it did. The act giving legal sanction 
to all of Teran’s propositions was promulgated April 6, 1830, 
and is as follows: 

Article 1. Cotton goods excluded in the law of May 22, 1829, 
may be introduced through the ports of the Republic until Jan¬ 
uary 1, 1831, and through the ports of the South Sea until June 
30, 1831. 

Article 2. The duties received on the above-mentioned goods 
shall be used to maintain the integrity of the Mexican territory; 
to form a reserve fund against the event of Spanish invasion, and 
to promote the developments of national industries in the branch 
of cotton manufacturers. 

Article 3. The government is authorized to name one or more 
commissioners who shall visit the colonies of the frontier states 
and contract with the legislatures of said states for the purchase, 
in behalf of tlie Federal government, of lands deemed suitable 
for the establishment of colonies of Mexicans and other nation¬ 
alities; and the said commissioners shall make, with the existing 
colonies, whatever arrangements seem expedient for the security 
of the republic. The said commissioners shall supervise the intro¬ 
duction of new colonists and the fulfilling of their contract for 
settlement, and shall ascertain to what extent the existing con¬ 
tracts have been completed. 

Article 4. The chief executive is authorized to take such lands 
as are deemed suitable for fortifications or arsenals and for the 
new colonies, indemnifying the States for same, in proportion to 
their assessment due the Federal government. 

Article 5. The government is authorized to transport the con¬ 
vict soldiers destined for Vera Cruz and other points to the col¬ 
onies, there to establish them as is deemed fit; the government 
will furnish free transportation to the families of the soldiers, 
should they desire to go. 

Article 6. The convict soldiers shall be employed in construct¬ 
ing the fortifications, public works and roads which the commis- 


102 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


sioners may deem necessary, and when the time of their impris¬ 
onment is terminated, if they should desire to remain as colonists, 
they shall be given lands and agricultural implements, and their 
provisions shall be continued through the first year of their 
colonization. 

Article 7. IMexican families who voluntarily express a desire 
to become colonists will be furnished transportation, maintained 
for one year, and assigned the best of agricultural lands. 

Article 8. All the individuals above mentioned shall be subject 
to both the Federal and State colonization laws. 

Article 9. The introduction of foreigners across the northern 
frontier is prohibited under any pretext whatsoever, unless the 
said foreigners are provided with a passport issued by the agent 
of the republic at the point whence the said foreigners set out. 

Article 10. No change shall be made with respect to the slaves 
now in the states, but the Federal government and the govern¬ 
ment of each state shall most strictly enforce the colonization 
laws, and prevent the further introduction of slaves. 

Article 11. In accordance with the right reserved by the gen¬ 
eral congress in the seventh article of the law of August 18, 
1824, it is prohibited that emigrants from nations bordering on 
this republic shall settle in the states or territory adjacent to 
their own nation. Consequently, all contracts not already com¬ 
pleted and not in harmony with this law are suspended. 

Article 12. Coastwise trade shall be free to all foreigners for 
the term of four years, with the object of turning colonial trade 
to ports of Matamoras, Tampico and Vera Cruz. 

Article 13. Frame houses and all classes of foreign food prod¬ 
ucts may be introduced through the ports of Galveston and Mata¬ 
moras, free of duty for a period of two years. 

Article 14. The government is authorized to expend five hun¬ 
dred thousand dollars (pesos) in the construction of fortifica¬ 
tions and settlements on the frontier; in the transportation of 
the convict-soldiers and IMexican families of same, and their 
maintenance for one year; on agricultural implements; on ex- 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


103 


penses of the commissioners or transportation of troops; on 
premises to such farmers among the colonists as may distinguish 
themselves in agriculture, and on all the other expedients con¬ 
ducive to progress and security, as set forth in the foregoing 
articles. 

Article 15. To obtain at once one-half of the above sum, the 
government is authorized to negotiate a loan on the custom pro¬ 
ceeds which will be derived frm the ordinary classes of cotton 
goods. Said loan to pay a premium of three per cent monthly, 
payable at the expiration of the periods fixed in the tariff 
schedule. 

Article 16. One-twentieth of the said customs receipts shall be 
used in the promotion of cotton manufactures, such as in the 
purchase of machines and looms, small sums being set aside for 
the installing of the machinery, and any other purpose that the 
government shall deem necessary; the government shall appor¬ 
tion these funds to the states having this form of industry. The 
said funds shall be under the control of the minister of relations 
for the purpose of promoting industries of such importance. 

Article 17. Also three hundred thousand dollars (pesos) of 
the above-mentioned customs receipts shall be set aside as a re¬ 
serve fund on deposit in the treasury, under the strict responsi¬ 
bility of the government, which shall have power to use same only 
in case of Spanish invasion. 

Article 18. The government shall regulate the establishment 
of the new colonies, and shall present to congress, within a year, 
a record of the emigrants and immigrants established under the 
law, with an estimate of the increase of population on the 
frontier. * 

This decree contained provisions not recommended by the 
Teran-Farnava report. For instance: Teran did not recommend 
the creation of a commission to inspect the colonies (Article 3) ; 
nor did he refer to the enforcement of the slavery laws (Article 
10) ; nor the prohibition of immigration from the United States 
(Articles 9 and 10). These were included in the act on the recom- 


104 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


mendation of Alamaii, minister of relations. They were the most 
objectionable features of the decree. Especially was Article 11 
bitterly resented by the Anglo-American colonists, and did much 
to bring about the friction which resulted in rebellion against 
Mexico and the Independence of Texas. 


THE EARLY CONVENTIONS OF THE TEXAS 
COLONISTS 


Showing Their Objects and Accomplishments—Brief Summary 
of Their Proceedmgs, with Names of Delegates Participating 

m Them. 

The only method by which the Texas colonists could inform 
the government of Mexico of their desires and ambitions was 
through conventions, representative of all the people. Prom the 
first establishment of the colonies up to 1830 nothing had trans¬ 
pired effecting the colonists necessitating a convention of all the 
people, therefore there was no general convention held prior to 
that of 1832. During the last years of the reign of President 
Victoria there was heard in the distance the muffled sounds of 
discord. In 1827 General Don Manuel Teran was sent to Texas 
as the head of a commission for the ostensible purpose of locating 
the proposed boundary between the United States and Mexico, 
as a new boundary treaty was being negotiated. He was also in¬ 
structed to investigate the Anglo-American colony situation. It 
will be recalled that Governor Blanco had cancelled the empre- 
sario contract made with Hayden Edwards. The rebellion or¬ 
ganized by Edwards as a result of the cancellation of this con¬ 
tract, was doubtless a sore spot in Victoria’s memory. So he in¬ 
structed Teran to make a close inspection of the Anglo-American 
colony situation early in April, 1828. After making this report 
he went to Matamoras. There he soon received instructions to 
return to Texas and make a more extended investigation of the 
conditions arising from the establishment of the colonies. He re¬ 
turned to Texas and made his headquarters at Nacogdoches. In 
June, 1828, he made a preliminary report to President Victoria, 
in which he intimated that the colonists were violating the laws 
of Mexico. When the colonists learned of Teran’s conclusions, 
they began an attempt to correct the bad impression it created 
in the minds of the Mexican rulers. 


106 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


On November 14, 1829, Teran made a more extended report ef¬ 
fecting the colonies. This report was embraced in a communica¬ 
tion addressed to the minister of war, at the City of Mexico, in 
which he very frankly set out that he had no confidence in the 
loyalty of the colonists to Mexican institutions. Reports of 
Teran’s distrust of the colonies reached Austin and other empre- 
sarios and embarrassed them greatly, for they had performed 
no act that would justify such conclusion. But this was not all. 
Teran seemed determined to cause a breach between the Mex¬ 
ican government and the Texas colonies, and the report of No¬ 
vember 14, 1829, was followed by another report more extended 
and extravagant. In this latter report he recommended specific 
military and political action, the adoption of which he well knew 
would cause a protest to go up from the Texas colonies. But noth¬ 
ing came of Teran’s recommendations during the reign of Vic¬ 
toria. But Bustamente siezed the reins of government and in an 
attempt to popularize his administration with his Mexican fol¬ 
lowers, he was more than willing to endorse the most stringent 
measures to control the Texas colonies. And when his minister 
of foreign relations, Lucas Alaman, championed Teran’s recom¬ 
mendations, it was not difficult for him to induce his congress 
to enact them into laws. The act putting into operation Teran’s 
military programme was promulgated April 6, 1830, and was 
known in history as “ Bustamente’s Decree of 1830”—repro¬ 
duced in another chapter. 

To enable the reader to better understand the difficulties 
which confronted the Texas colonies, as a result of this decree, 
we are reproducing those sections which were particularly ob¬ 
jectionable to the colonists. Article 4 of the decree provided for 
the establishment of fortifications and arsenals in Texas. 

ARTICLE 5 was as follows: The government is authorized to 
transport the convict soldiers destined for Vera Cruz, and other 
points, to the colonies, there to establish them as is deemed fit; 
the government will furnish free transportation to the families 
of the soldiers should they desire to go. 

















■^mM 




•.x-j:?-.-: 






^m 


mi?<m 

iv •; 


HENRY SMITH 







ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


107 


ARTICLE 6. The convict soldiers shall be employed in con¬ 
structing the fortifications, public works and roads which the 
commissioners may deem necessary; and when the time of their 
imprisonment is terminated, if they should desire to remain as 
colonists, they shall be given lands and agricultural implements, 
and their provisions, and these shall be continued through the 
first year of their colonization. 

ARTICLE 9. The introduction of foreigners across the north¬ 
ern frontier is prohibited under any pretext whatsoever, unless 
the said foreigners are provided with a passport issued by the 
agent of the Republic at the point whence the said foreigner 
sets out. 

ARTICLE 10. No change shall be made with respect to the 
slaves now in the States, but the Federal government and the 
government of each State shall most strictly enforce the coloniza¬ 
tion laws and prevent the further introduction of slaves. 

ARTICLE 11. In accordance with the right reserved by the 
general congress in the seventh article of the law of August 18, 
1824, it is prohibited that emigrants from nations bordering on 
this republic shall settle in the states or territory adjacent to 
their own nation. Consequently, all contracts not already com¬ 
pleted and not in harmony with this law are suspended. 

Closely following the passage of this decree, military posts 
were established throughout the State and further settlers from 
the United States were prohibited from entering Texas. 

The promulgation of this decree created great alarm among 
the colonies. It was in direct conflict with the constitution of 
1824, under which the peace and security of the colonies were 
guaranteed. But they were weak and realized their utter help¬ 
lessness. They patiently bore the indignities heaped upon them, 
feeling assured that amidst the gloom and darkness a ray of sun¬ 
light would pierce the cloud which hung over them. When dis- 
pair had almost taken possession of their hearts and hopes, a new 
rebellion broke out in Mexico. Its leader, who was no less than 
Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, espoused the cause of a republi- 


108 ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 

can form of government and the restoration of the constitution 
of 1824. This gave new life and hope to the Texas colonists. 
They espoused the cause of Santa Annaj and refused longer to 
submit to Bustamente’s military despotism. 

Thus the conventions held by the colonists in 1832 and 1833 
were conventions of peace, yet of protest. The first assembly of 
the Texas colonists in an elective deliberative body was that of 
1832. This convention was not called for the purpose of express¬ 
ing bitterness against the Mexican government, but to unite in 
a presentation to that government of certain conditions that had 
caused dissatisfaction and unrest among the colonies. The callers 
of this convention, the Hon. Horatio Chriesman, the first Alcalde 
of San Felipe, and Hon. John Austin, the second Alcalde of 
Brazoria, had no idea or desire to create a condition that would 
cause a feeling of rebellion against the then government of 
Mexico. 

Previous to the calling of this convention the colonists had 
espoused the cause of Santa Anna, and had driven Bustamente's 
military leader from the State. General Mexia, whom Santa 
Anna had sent to Texas to ascertain information regarding the 
sincerity of the colonists, in their avowal of friendship, had re¬ 
turned to Hexico with information calculated to convince Santa 
Anna that they were loyal to him. The things the Texans desired 
to have remedied were not the creation of Santa Anna, but of 
a government he had overthrown. The Texans, therefore, imag¬ 
ined that a memorial setting forth their grievances would only 
cause a feeling of pride and sympathy to swell in the bosom of 
Santa Anna, IMexico’s ruler. 

The call for this convention was issued September 14, 1832. It 
fixed the date and place of meeting, October 1st, at San Felipe. 
Delegates were elected from the different municipalities. The 
convention met promptly on Monday, October 1, 1832. Fifty-six 
delegates presented their credentials and took their seats. Mr. 
Stephen F. Austin was elected president of the convention, and 
Francis W. Jqhnson, secretary. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


109 


The following delegates were seated: 

San Felipe—Stephen F, Austin, Wiley Martin, Francis John¬ 
son and Luke Leassier. 

Victoria (really Brazoria)—George B. McKinstry, Wm. H. 
Wharton, John Austin and Charles B. Sayre. 

^lina (or Bastrop)—Ira Ingram, Silas Dinsmore, Eli Mercer. 

Hidalgo—Nester Clay and Alexander Thompson. 

San Jacinto—A. B. Dobson, George F. Richardson and Robert 
Wilson. 

Viesca—Jared E. Groce, William Robinson, Joshua Hadley. 

Alfred—Samuel Bruff, David Wright, W. D.. Lacy, W. R. 
Hensley and Jesse Burnham. 

Lavaca—James Kerr, Hugh McGiffin, Joseph L. Looney, Wil¬ 
liam ^lenefee and George Sutherland. 

Gonzales—Henry Brown and Claiborne Stinnett. 

Mill Creek—John Connell and Samuel C. Douglass. 

Nacogdoches—Charles S. Taylor, Thomas Hastings and Free¬ 
man Hartz. 

Ayish Bayou—Philip S. Sublett, Donald McDonald, William 
McFarland, Wyatt Hanks and Jacob Garrett. 

Snow (Neches River)—T. D. Beauchamp, Elijah Isaacs, Sam¬ 
uel Looney and James Looney. 

Sabine—Benjamin Holt, Absolom Heir and Jesse Parker. 

Teneha—William English, Frederick Foye and George Butler. 

Liberty—Patrick C. Jack, Claiborne West and James Morgan. 

During the first day’s session of the convention a number of 
committees were appointed. A committee of five was appointed 
to prepare a memorial to the general government praying for 
the repeal of article eleven of the law passed April 6, 1830. 
This committee was also expected to set forth to the government 
of Mexico a record of the toils, difficulties and dangers en¬ 
countered by the Texas colonists, and their respect for and at¬ 
tachment to the constitution and laws of Mexico. 


110 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


A committee was also appointed to draft a memorial to the 
general government praying for a reduction of duties on articles 
of first necessity imported into Texas, and showing that the re¬ 
duction would increase the revenue of the government. 

Then, too, a committee was appointed to consider the land 
business east of the San Jacinto River. This committee prepared 
a memorial to be submitted to the state and general government. 

A committee to inquire into the Indian affairs of Texas was 
also appointed; and another to report on the best mode of regu¬ 
lating the custom houses until such offices should be filled and 
regulated by the general government. 

At this convention, for the first time in Texas, the question of 
preparing for the primary schools came up for consideration. 
This was done when a committee was appointed to prepare a pe¬ 
tition to the government of Coahuila and Texas, praying for the 
donation of land to Texas for the purpose of creating a fund for 
the future establishment of primary schools. 

On the third day of the convention a resolution was adopted 
providing for the appointment of a committee to report on the 
expediency or inexpediency of petitioning the general govern¬ 
ment to establish a State government for Texas, independent and 
separate from Coahuila. The wisdom of this was questioned and 
a roll call was demanded. The resolution was adopted by a vote 
of thirty-six for and twelve against. 

Another important committee appointment was one to memo- 
ralize the government of Coahuila and Texas on the subject of 
lands ‘' granted and petitioned for by the North American tribes 
of Indians,” so as to remove such anxiety evinced by them which 
was founded on misrepresentation. 

It will be seen from the proceedings of this convention, thus 
far, that no sentiment of resistance or rebellion was shown or ex¬ 
pressed. Everything done shows that the delegates recognized 
the authority of the general government and in no sense were 
they rebellious as was claimed by a few Mexican residents of San 
Antonio, who refused to participate in the convention. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 111 

The memorials of the committees, which were adopted, were 
forwarded on adjournment to the government to which the ap¬ 
peals were made. The most noteworthy memorial adopted by the 
convention was that one praying for the repeal of the eleventh 
article of the law of April 6, 1830, prohibiting the citizens of 
the United States from settling in Texas. This memorial is a 
strong State paper, and discusses in a clear and concise manner 
the injustice of the law and hardships it imposed upon the colo¬ 
nists. This memorial cannot be abbreviated without emasculation. 
And, as a testimonial of the patriotic spirit which actuated the 
members of this first convention, it is inserted in full, as follows; 

COMMITTEE ROOM 
San Felipe de Austin, October 4, 1832 
To the Federal Congress of Mexico: 

“Your memorialists, representatives of all the Anglo-Ameri¬ 
cans of Texas, in General Convention, met, taking advantage of 
that sacred Republican privilege of making known their wants 
and grievances, which is guaranteed them by the constitution of 
their adopted country, respectfully represent that they have 
viewed, and still view with sentiments of deepest regret and 
mortification, the passage and present existence of the eleventh 
article of the law of the sixth of April, 1830. This law is ob¬ 
noxious to your memorialists, for many reasons. Independent 
of its withering influence on all the hopes of Texas, it implies a 
suspicion of our fidelity to the IMexican constitution. Such sus¬ 
picion we humbly conceive to be utterly unwarranted; and we 
will endeavor to prove it so, by making a review of our con¬ 
duct from the passage of the first colonization law up to the 
present time. 

“In the year 1823, the Congress of the IMexican nation invited 
the citizens of the United States of the north to become inhab¬ 
itants of Texas, giving to each family one sitio of land for so do¬ 
ing. This donation of land sounds large at a distance. Consider¬ 
ing, however, the difficulties with which the taking possession 
of it is environed, it will not be thought so munificent a bounty, 


112 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


nor SO entire a gratuity. Had these lands been previously pio¬ 
neered by the enterprise of government, and freed from the in¬ 
securities which beset a wilderness trod upon by savages; had 
they been in the heart of an inhabited region, and accessible to 
the comforts and necessaries of life; had the government been 
deriving an actual revenue from them; could it have realized a 
capital from the sale of them, then we admit the donation would 
have been unexampled in the history of national liberality. But 
how different from all this was the real state of the case. The 
lands in question were situated in a wilderness of which the 
government had never taken possession. They were not suf¬ 
ficiently explored to obtain that knowledge of their character and 
situation, which would be necessary to a sale of them; they w'ere 
in the occupancy of savages; they were shut out from all com¬ 
mercial intercourse with the world and inaccessible to the com¬ 
monest comforts of life; nor were they brought into possession 
and cultivation without much toil and privation, patience and 
enterprise, loss of lives from Indian hostilities and other causes. 
Under the smiles of a beneficent Heaven, however, the untiring 
perseverance of the immigrants triumphed over all natural ob¬ 
stacles; it reduced the forest to cultivation; made the desert 
smile, established commercial intercourse with the rest of the 
w'orld, and expelled the savages, by whom the country was 
infested. 

“From this, it must appear, that the lands of Texas, although 
nominally given, were in fact really and dearly bought. It may 
be here premised that a gift of land by a nation to foreigners, 
on conditions of their becoming citizens, is immensely different 
from a gift or sale from one individual to another. In the case 
of individuals, the donor or seller loses all further claim upon 
the lands parted with; but in this case, the government only gave 
wild lands, that they might be redeemed from a state of nature; 
that the obstacles to a first settlement might be overcome, and 
that they might be placed in a situation to augment the physical 
strength, power and revenue of the nation. Is it not obvious that 
^Texico now holds the same jurisdiction over the colonized lands 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 113 

of Texas, that all nations hold over nineteen-twentieths of their 
territory? For the first six or seven years after the commence¬ 
ment of onr settlements in Texas, we gratefully admit that our 
enterprise was animated, and our hardships alleviated by the 
liberality and kindness of the Mexican Government. We insist, 
however, that this beneficent disposition of the government was 
followed by gratitude and loyalty on our part. 

The only portion of our conduct during this period that could 
be tortured into anything like disloyalty, was the Fredonian dis¬ 
turbance in Nacogdoches in 1826. And, when it is considered by 
whom these disturbances were originated and by whom quieted, 
instead of exciting the suspicion of the government, we respect¬ 
fully conceive that the transaction should have confirmed its 
confidence in our patriotism. 

“The disturbances alluded to originated with some fifteen or 
twenty infatuated individuals. The great mass of the settlers 
were opposed to their mad design, which opposition they testi¬ 
fied by capturing the conspirators and putting them in custody, 
before the arrival of a single Mexican soldier. Was there any¬ 
thing in this calculated to awaken the suspicions of the govern¬ 
ment ? Bad and desperate men there will always be found in 
every community. There will always likewise be a portion cap¬ 
able of being easily misled, and it is not really a matter of aston¬ 
ishment that, in this instance, the bad, the desperate, the dis¬ 
satisfied and the misguided, were limited to so insignificant a 
number ? 

“Excepting this disturbance, which was opposed by ninety- 
nine hundredths of the settlers and which was quieted by their 
zeal and patriotism, we repeat it: that up to the passage of the 
law of April 6, 1830, our conduct was orderly and patriotic. 

“The passage of this law was a mortifying and melancholy 
occurrence for Texas. It was mortifying to us, for it blasted all 
our hopes, and was enough to dishearten all our enterprise. 

“It was peculiarly mortifying because it admitted into Texas 
all other nations except our friends and countrymen of the 
United States of the north—except the fathers and brothers of 


114 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


many of us, for whom we had emigrated to prepare comfortable 
homes, and whose presence to gladden our firesides we were 
hourly anticipating. Yes, this law closed the door of immigra¬ 
tion on the only sister republic worthy of the name, which Mex¬ 
icans can boast of in this new world. It closed the door on a 
people among whom the knowledge and foundations of national 
liberty are more deeply laid than any other on the habitable 
globe. It closed the door upon a people who have brought with 
them to Texas those ideals of Republican government in which 
from birth they had been educated and practiced. In short, it 
closed the door upon a people who generously and heroically 
aided Mexico in her revolutionary struggle, and who were the 
first and foremost to recognize and rejoice at the obtainment of 
her independence. 

“Is it for a moment to be supposed that the European para¬ 
sites of power, to whom now alone the door of immigration is 
left open—that those who have been taught from infancy to be¬ 
lieve in the natural equality of mankind; who have been unac¬ 
quainted with constitutions, even in name; who, politically speak¬ 
ing, have never been accustomed to think or legislate for them¬ 
selves ; who reverence the arm of monarchial rule; who pay 
adulation at the feet of an hereditary nobility and who have 
contemplated republics only in theory and at a distance—is it, 
we repeat, to be supposed that immigrants of this description 
will contribute more to the advancement of liberty and the wel¬ 
fare of the Republic than immigrants from that land of liberal 
sentiments, that cradle of freedom, that mother of constitutional 
heroes—the United States of the north? If such be the fact, 
habit and education must go for nothing—and all experience is 
set at naught and a contradiction. 

“’Your memorialists having, as they trust and respectfully 
conceive, shown to your honorable bodies that their conduct up 
to the time of the passage of the law of April 6, 1830, was 
orderly and patriotic, will now turn your attention to their con¬ 
duct since that period. 

“This law was sufficient to goad us on to madness, inasmuch 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


115 


as it blasted all our hopes and defeated all our calculations; in¬ 
asmuch as it showed to us that we were to remain scattered, iso¬ 
lated and unhappy tenants of the wilderness of Texas, compelled 
to gaze upon the resources of a lovely and fertile region unde¬ 
veloped for want of a population, and cut off from the society 
of fathers and friends in the United States of the north; to pre¬ 
pare homes and comforts suited to whose age and infirmities 
many of us had patiently submitted to every species of priva¬ 
tion. But what was our conduct? As peaceful citizens we sub¬ 
mitted. The wheels of government were not retarded in their 
operation by us. Not a voice nor an arm was uplifted. We had 
confidence in the correct intentions of the government; and we 
believed and hoped that when the momentary excitement of the 
day had subsided, a returning sense of justice and liberality 
would give this law a brief duration. For more than two years 
we have remained in this peaceful, this unmurmuring attitude. 
In this time the heroic and patriotic General Santa Anna arose 
as the vindicator of liberty and the constitution. We had con¬ 
fidence in the purity of his motives. We believed that the evils 
which he battled to redress were of an alarming and crying mag¬ 
nitude, of no less magnitude than an utter disregard of the con¬ 
stitution, on the part of the vice-president and his ministers. 
With General Santa Anna we united as fellow-laborers in the 
same sacred cause, preferring rather to perish in defense of the 
violated charter of our rights than to live in acquiesenee with 
acts of arbitrary and unconstitutional power. What we have 
done in this matter is known to the government and to the world. 
It was all in defense of the rights, liberties and guaranties that 
were spurned and trampled upon. 

■ ‘ ‘ Here we w^ould ask, what w'as there in all this to induce sus¬ 
picion of our disloyalty to the constitution? Was it in our re¬ 
maining quiet for more than tw^o years after the passage of the 
law of the 6th of April? Was it in declaring for the constitution 
and hazarding all w^e held dear in its defense? Would it not have 
been easy to have taken advantage of the troubles in the interior 
and to have declared and battled for independence? Was there 


116 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


ever a time more opportune and inviting? Why did we not then 
declare for independence? Because in the honest sincerity of 
our hearts, we assure you, and we call Almighty God to witness 
the truth of the assertion, we did not then, and we do not now, 
wish for independence. NO! There is not an Anglo-American 
in Texas whose heart does not beat high for the prosperity of the 
IVIexican Republic; who does not cordially and devoutly wish 
that all parts of her territory may remain united to the end of 
time; that she may steadily and rapidly advance in arts, arms, 
agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and in learning; in virtue, 
freedom and all that can add to the splendor and happiness of 
1 great nation. As an evidence that we wished not for independ- 
mce nor for coalescence with the United States of the north, 
your memorialists would respectfully refer your honorable bodies 
to the following fact, viz: A short time since it was rumored 
among us that the President of the United States of the north ex¬ 
pressed a determination to make the Neches River, instead of the 
Sabine, the line between the two republics. This hitherto unheard 
of claim provoked the indignation of every inhabitant of Texas, 
and our constituents have, with one voice, called upon us to 
memorialize your honorable bodies on the subject of the injus¬ 
tice of such a demand. i\Iay it please your honorable bodies, your 
memorialists trust that they have conclusively shown that the 
whole tenor of their conduct has been characterized by good order 
and patriotism. 

“The destructive influence of the law of the 6th of April, 
1830, upon the prospects of Texas, has only been incidentally 
alluded to, the effect of that law being too obvious to require ex- 
patiation or argument. The law is likewise as injurious to the 
national revenue at large, as to us individually, for it is evident 
that the greatness, the power, the wealth and independence of a 
nation, depend upon a proper development of its resources. Can 
the resources of Texas be properly developed with this law hang¬ 
ing over it? We believe not. We believe under such circum¬ 
stances it would remain the comparative wilderness it now is. 
Experience shows that native Mexicans will not settle in it ; but 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


117 


should they do so it would not augment the physical force of 
the nation, for it would only be taking population from one part 
of the Republic to place them in another. Will Europeans settle 
it? We believe Europeans of the right description, to benefit 
the country, will not, for many reasons. Our hopes, then, for the 
development of the resources of Texas are naturally turned to the 
United States of the north, to a people who have been trained in 
the school of Republicanism, whose physical constitutions are 
adapted to the climate and who have been brought up to the 
cultivation of such articles as will always be the staples of Texas. 
Against them alone, however, the door is closed, which we contend 
is equally injurious to us and to the national revenue. Another 
point of view, in which the law of the 6th of April is objection¬ 
able, and has been productive of numberless difficulties, is this: 
The garrisons with which all parts of Texas have been lately 
crowded must have grown out of this law and have been sent 
here to enforce it. They could not have been sent here for our 
protection, for when they came we were able to protect ourselves; 
and at the commencement of the settlements when we were few, 
weak and scattered and defenseless, not a garrison—no, not a sol¬ 
dier—came to our aid. In the presence and vicinity of these 
garrisons, the civil arm has generally been paralyzed and power¬ 
less, for many of the officers were law-despisers, who set the po¬ 
litical authorities at defiance, brought them into contempt and 
trespassed in every respect upon the rights and privileges of their 
fellow-citizens. When all of these things are considered, we can 
but believe that the former characteristic justice and liberality 
of your honorable body will return to our aid, and bring about 
an immediate repeal of this, to us, ever to be deprecated measure. 

“That justice, that liberality, we now most respectfully, sol¬ 
emnly, unanimously and confidently invoke. 

William Wharton, Chairman. 
Luke Leassier 
Jonas Harrison 
George Sutherland 
Patrick C. Jack.’’ 


118 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


The convention created a permanent committee known as an 
advisory committee. Francis W. Johnson was made chairman 
and James B. Miller secretary of this board. In October the ad¬ 
visory board issued an address to the Aynntamiento of Bexar, set¬ 
ting forth the objects for holding the convention of October, and 
gave a brief account of its accomplishments. This was doubtless 
done because of the refusal of the citizens of Bexar to take part 
in the convention by sending representatives to it; and, too, in 
obedience of instructions to open correspondence with the people 
of Bexar and to invite them to co-operate with them in the fur¬ 
therance of the objects sought. 

William H. Wharton and Don Rafael Manchola were ap¬ 
pointed commissioners to Saltillo and ^lexico City to urge the 
general government and the State government to give considera¬ 
tion to the memorials presented by the convention. 

But it appears that neither the general government or the gov¬ 
ernment of Coahuila and Texas gave any serious consideration 
to the memorial presented to them. Thus a second convention was 
called by the permanent advisory committee, to convene at San 
Felipe in April, 1833. It was composed of fifty-six delegates, a 
majority of whom had served as members of the convention of 
1832. Among the new members of this convention who became 
conspicuous in Texas history was Sam Houston, who had but 
recently come to Texas. 

This second convention was organized by the election of Wil¬ 
liam H. Wharton, president, and Thomas Hastings, secretary. 
The main work of this convention lay in the drafting of a con¬ 
stitution for Texas, to be offered the government at the City of 
Mexico for approval. This constitution was framed by a com¬ 
mittee composed of the following members: Sam Houston, Chair¬ 
man ; Nestor Clay, R. M. Williamson, James Kerr, Oliver Jones, 
Luke Leassier and Henry Smith. The proposed constitution w^as 
reported to the convention, and after having been slightly 
amended, was adopted b}^ an almost unanimous vote. 

Committees were also appointed to prepare memorials to the 
Federal government, (1) for the acceptance of the proposed con- 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


119 


stitiition; (2) the erection of Texas into a State of the Federal 
union; (3) the repeal of the eleventh article of the decree of 
April 6, 1830, forbidding the further immigration of North 
Americans into Texas; (4) for a modification of the tariff laws 
so as to encourage immigration, agriculture and commerce. 

The work of this second convention was largely a repetition 
of the first, with the addition of the framing of the State Con¬ 
stitution. Stephen F. Austin, James B. Miller and Erasmo Se- 
guin were appointed commissioners to present the proposed con¬ 
stitution to the authorities of Mexico and to urge its acceptance 
by the ^lexican government. Mr. Austin, however, was the only 
one of the commissioners to go to the City of Mexico. When he 
arrived in the City of ^lexico he found Farias, the vice-president, 
occupying the president’s chair and Santa Anna at his hacienda, 
maturing plans for abandoning the Republicans and forming 
an alliance with the church party to overthrow the constitution 
and establish a central despotism. As a consequence of this con¬ 
dition, Austin was unable to secure a consideration of the pro¬ 
posed formation of Texas into a State, as the constitution pro¬ 
vided for. He succeeded, however, in securing a modification of 
the law prohibiting immigration from the United States into 
Texas. After spending several months in the City of Mexico in 
a vain effort to secure consideration of other matters presented, 
he started home December 10th. After his departure from the 
capitol, Farias ::,ecured information that Austin had written to 
the people in Bexar urging them to join in the petition to give 
Texas a separate government. In writing this letter Austin had 
no thought of offending the government. The citizens of San 
Antonio, it will be remembered, were not represented at the con¬ 
vention Avhich adopted the memorial urging a separate govern¬ 
ment for Texas. Austin’s letter was displeasing to Farias and 
he ordered his arrest. He was therefore arrested at Saltillo and 
carried back to the City of ^lexico and thrown into prison. He 
was held for about eighteen months, part of the time in close 
confinement, without the privilege of communication with his 


120 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


friends. He was released without trial in the summer of 1835 
and permitted to return home. 

In the meantime Santa Anna was concerning himself in the 
work of centralizing the government that his power might be¬ 
come absolute. When Austin reached Texas he found the col¬ 
onists in a state of rebellion. He was welcomed with enthusiasm; 
and at a meeting held at Brazoria, a few days after his arrival, 
he frankly and openly expressed an opinion that the time 
had arrived when the people should meet in a General Consulta¬ 
tion in behalf of their constitutional rights, and to prepare for 
war with Mexico, which Vas inevitable. Thus matters drifted 
along, the breach widening all the time. Finally a call was made 
for a General Consultation to be held at San Felipe, October 
16, 1835. 

The second convention which met at San Felipe in April, 
1833, was composed of the following delegates; Stephen F. Aus¬ 
tin, Branch T. Archer, Gail Borden, Jr., Henry S. Brown, David 
G. Burnet, Francis A. Bingham, Silas Dinsmore, A. B. Dobson, 
William English, Jared E. Groce, Jesse Grimes, Jacob Garrett, 
Sam Houston, Thomas Hastings, Wyatt Hanks, A. B. Hardin, 
Jonas Harrison, Benjamin Holt, Absolom Hier, Ira Ingram, 
Oliver Jones, James Kerr, George Sutherland, Claiborne Sten- 
nett, Philip A. Sublett, Bartlett Sims, Frost Thorn, George But¬ 
ler, James Bowie, John M. Bradley, Jesse Burnham, Nestor Clay, 
Thos. jM. Duke, Ira B. Lewis, Luke Leassier, Jno. W. Moore, Eli 
Mercer, William IMenefee, James B. Miller, Donald IMcDonald, 
Robert Mills, James Morgan, William McFarland, B. D. McClure, 
Jno. D. Newell, Richard R. Royall, Sterling C. Robertson, Wm. 
Robinson, Charles S. Taylor, Alexander Thompson, William H. 
Wharton, Robert M. Williamson, Robert Wilson and Claiborne 
West. 

The Consultation of 1835 was the third assemblage of the peo¬ 
ple of Texas in an elective deliberative body held in Texas. The 
objects of this convention were very different from those sought 
by the conventions of 1832 and 1833. During Austin’s confine¬ 
ment in IMexican dungeons many changes took place in Texas. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


121 


On his return to Texas he found conditions bordering on war. As 
he declared, “in commotion; all disorganized; all in anarchy and 
threatened with immediate hostilities. ’ ’ His return to Texas was 
hailed as the beginning of a new era in the province. The first 
act of the people of San Felipe, after bis return, was to elect 
him chairman of the San Felipe Committee of Safety. He was 
in full sympathy with the movement throughout the State, to 
organize for defense, and in an address delivered by him at 
Brazoria, September 8th, he declared in favor of the “constitu¬ 
tional rights and the peace and security of Texas, and also for 
a General Consultation of the people.’’ 

There was the absence of an organization through which to 
secure consent of action. The Ayuntamientos were a frail re¬ 
liance in times through which the people were passing. There 
was a clamor in every section of the State for a general meeting 
to consider the new problems as they arose. War, blood and 
carnage were threatened. Finally the consultation was called 
and delegates elected to take part in its deliberations. The date 
fixed for the consultation was October, 16. Failing of a quorum 
it adjourned to meet November 1, but a quorum did not appear 
until November 3. On that day the consultation was organized. 
Dr. Branch T. Archer was elected president and Peter B. Dexter 
was elected secretary. On taking the chair Dr. Archer delivered 
an address in which he outlined the work which should be done 
by the consultation. He said: 

‘ ‘ Gentlemen: I return to you my thanks for the honor you 
have conferred upon me. The duties which devolve upon the 
members of this body are arduous and highly important; in 
fact the destinies of Texas are placed in your hands; and 1 hope, 
that you are now assembled, you are in every way prepared to dis¬ 
charge those duties in a manner creditable to yourselves and bene¬ 
ficial to your country. 1 call upon you, each and all, to divest 
yourself of all party feelings, to discard every selfish motive, 
and look alone to the true interests of your country. In the words 
of the Hebrew prophet I would say, ‘ Put off your shoes, for the 
ground upon which you stand is holy.’ 


122 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


“The rights and liberties of thousands of freemen are in your 
hands, and millions yet unhorn may he effected by your decision. 

''The First measure that will be brought before the house will 
be a declaration in which w'e will set forth to the world the causes 
which have impelled us to take up arms, and the objects for which 
we fight. 

"Secondly, I will suggest for your consideration the propriety 
of establishing a ‘Provisional Government,' the election of a 
Governor, Lieutenant-Governor and Council, and I would recom¬ 
mend that these officers be clothed with both legislative and ex¬ 
ecutive powers. This measure I conceive absolutely necessary 
to prevent Texas from falling into the labyrinth of anarchy. 

"Thirdly, the organization of the militia requires your immedi¬ 
ate attention. You will have an army in the field whose achieve¬ 
ments have already shed lustre upon our arms; they have not 
the provisions and comforts necessary to continue their service 
in the field. Give them character, or their victories, though they 
are achieved not without danger and glory, will, nevertheless, 
be unproductive of good. Sustain and support them, and they 
will do honor to you and render incalculable service to their 
country. But neglect them—Texas is lost. The adoption of a 
code of military laws is indispensable. Without discipline and 
order in the ranks, your armies will be mobs, more dangerous to 
themselves than to their adversaries, and liable at all times to 
be cut to pieces by a handful of regulars. I know the men that 
are now in the field; there never were better materials for sol¬ 
diers ; but without discipline, they can achieve nothing. Estab¬ 
lish military laws, and, like the dragon’s teeth sown by Cadmus, 
they will produce armed men. It will be necessary to procure 
funds, in order to prepare the contemplated government, and 
to carry on the war in which we are now engaged. It will, there¬ 
fore, be our duty to elect agents to procure these funds. I have 
too high an opinion of the plain, practical sense of the members 
of this body to think for a moment that they will elect any but 
some of our most influential citizens to this important post. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


123 


Without funds, however heroically your armies may fight, how¬ 
ever wisely your councils may legislate, they will erect but a 
baseless fabric that will fall by its own weight. 

There are several warlike and peaceful tribes of Indians that 
claim certain portions of our land. Locations have been made 
within the limits they claim, which has created great dissatis¬ 
faction amongst them. Some of the chiefs of those tribes are ex¬ 
pected here in a few days, and I deem it expedient to make some 
equitable arrangement of the matter that will prove satisfactory 
to them. 

“Permit me to call your attention to another subject. Some 
of our brethren of the United States of the north, hearing of 
our difficulties, have generously come to our aid; many more, 
ere long, will be with us; services such as they will render should 
never be forgotten. 

‘ ‘ It will be proper for this convention to secure- to them the 
rights and privileges of citizens; to secure to them their lands in 
‘headright, ’ and place them on the same footing with those of 
our citizens who have not yet obtained from the government their 
lands; and in all other respects, to place them on an equal footing 
with our most favored citizens. Again, the path of promotion 
must be open. They must know that deeds of chivalry and hero¬ 
ism will meet their reward, and that you will throw no obstruc¬ 
tion in their pathway to fame. 

“Some fraudulent sales or grants of land, by the late gov¬ 
ernment of Coahuila and Texas, will require your attention. The 
establishment of mails, and an express department, is deemed 
necessary to promote the interests of the country, besides other 
minor matters that have escaped my observation in this cursory 
review. 

‘ ‘ Finally, gentlemen and friends, let me call your attention 
from these details to the higher position which you now occupy. 
Let me remind you that the eyes of the world are upon you; that 
battling as we are, against the despotism of a military chief¬ 
tain, all true republicans, all friends of the liberties of man, are 


124 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


anxious spectators of the conflict, or deeply enlisted in the cause. 
Let us give evidence that we are true descendants of that band 
of heroes who sustained eight years’ war against tyranny and 
oppression and gave liberty to a new world. Let our achieve¬ 
ments be such that our mother country, when she reads the bright 
page that records them, shall proudly and joyfully exclaim: 
‘ These are my sons; their heroic deeds mark them as such! ’ 
Again, gentlemen, let me admonish you, that the ground on 
which you stand is holy; that your decisions will affect the rights 
and liberties of thousands of freemen, the destinies of millions 
yet unborn, and perhaps the cause of liberty itself. I do not view 
the cause in which we are now engaged as that of freemen fighting 
alone against military despotism; I do not view it as Texas bat¬ 
tling alone for her rights and her liberties; I view it in a nobler, 
more exalted light; I view it as the great work of laying the 
cornerstone of liberty in the great Mexican Republic. ’ ’ 

This assembly did not follow the course of the convention of 
October, 1832, or that of April, 1833. There was no petition to 
the Mexican government, nor was there any pledge of loyalty. 
On the other hand, it set about to organize a government in de¬ 
fiance of Mexican authority. 

On the first day of the session a resolution was adopted pro¬ 
viding for the appointment of a committee, composed of one del¬ 
egate from each of the twelve municipalities represented, to pre¬ 
pare a declaration setting forth to the world the causes that ‘ im¬ 
pel us to take up arms, and the objects for which we fight. ’ The 
following were appointed: Messrs. Jno. A. Wharton, William 
Menefee, Lorenzo de Zavala, R. R. Royall, Asa Mitchell, W. S. 
Fisher, R. M. Williamson, Sam Houston, Almanzon Houston, 
Wyatt Banks, Henry IMillard and Samuel T. Allen. There were 
some in this body who desired that the committee be instructed 
as to the nature of their report. A vote was taken and stood as 
follows: For Independence, 15; for a Provisional State Govern¬ 
ment, 33. On November 7, the committee reported the following 
declaration: 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


125 


“Wiiereas, General Lopez de Santa Anna and other military 
chieftains have, by force of arms, overthrown the federal insti¬ 
tutions of iMexico and dissolved the social compact which ex¬ 
isted between Texas and other members of the Mexican confed¬ 
eracy ; now the good people of Texas, availing themselves of their 
natural rights, 

SOLEMNLY DECLARE: 

‘Mst. That they have taken up arms in defense of their rights 
and liberties, which were threatened by the encroachments of 
military despots, and in defense of the republican principles of 
the Federal constitution of Mexico of 1824. 

‘ ‘ 2nd. That Texas is no longer morally or civilly bound by the 
compact of union; yet, stimulated by the generosity and sympa¬ 
thy common to a free people, they offer their support and as¬ 
sistance to such of the Mexican confederacy as will take up arms 
against military despotism. 

“3d. That they do not acknowledge that the present author¬ 
ities of the nominal Mexican republic have the right to govern 
within the limits of Texas. 

“4th. That they will not cease to carry on war against said 
authorities whilst their troops are within the limits of Texas. 

‘ ‘ 5th, That they hold it to be their right, during the disor¬ 
ganization of the federal system and the rei^n of despotism, to 
withdraw from the union, to establish an independent govern¬ 
ment, or to adopt such measures as they may deem best calculated 
to protect their rights and liberties; but that they will continue 
faithful to the Mexican government so long as that nation is gov¬ 
erned by the constitution and laws that were formed for the 
government of the political association. 

“6th. That Texas is responsible for the expenses of her armies 
now in the field. 

“7th. That the public faith of Texas is pledged for the pay¬ 
ment of any debts contracted by her agents. 


126 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


‘‘8th. That she will reward, by donations in lands, all who vol¬ 
unteer their services in her present struggle, and receive them 
as citizens. 

“These declarations we solemnly avow to the world and call 
God to witness their truth and sincerity, and invoke defeat and 
disgrace upon our heads should we prove guilty of duplicity.’’ 

This declaration was signed by every member present, when 
it was adopted, and by Messrs. James Kerr and J. J. Linn and 
others as soon as they reached San Felipe. 

Providing for a provisional government was the next impor¬ 
tant matter to be taken up. The plan for inaugurating this form 
of government was left to a committee consisting of Henry 
Smith, Henry Millard, Randall Jones, Robert Wilson, C. C. Dyer, 
Asa Hoxey, James S. Lester, Wm. W. Arrington, J. W. Robinson, 
S. H. Everett and A. Houston. The committee reported a plan 
for the organization of a provisional government on November 
9. It was adopted as the organic decree November 11. It con¬ 
tained twenty-one articles and was as follows: 

“Article I. That there shall be and is hereby created a Pro¬ 
visional Government for Texas, which shall consist of a gov¬ 
ernor, a lieutenant-governor, and a council to be elected from 
this body, one member from each municipality, by the majority 
of each separate delegation present; and the governor and lieu¬ 
tenant-governor shall be elected by this body. 

“Article II. The Ijeutenant-governor shall be president of the 
council, and shall perform the duties of governor in case of the 
death, absence or other inability of the governor, during which 
time a president pro-tem shall be appointed to perform the duties 
of the lieutenant-governor in council. 

“Article III. The duties of the general council shall be to de¬ 
vise ways and means; to advise and assist the governor in the dis¬ 
charge of his functions; they shall pass no laws, except such as 
in their opinion the emergency of the country requires, ever 
keeping in view the army in the field, and the means necessary 
for its comfort and support; they shall pursue the most effective 
and energetic measures to rid the country of her enemies and 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


127 


place her in the best possible state of defense. Two-thirds of the 
members elect of the general council shall form a quorum to do 
business; and in order that no vacancy shall happen in the 
council, if any member, from death or other casualty, shall be 
incapacitated to act, the governor shall immediately, on informa¬ 
tion thereof, notify the members elected to fill vacancies; and, 
on his default, any member who has been elected to this body 
from the same jurisdiction may take his seat. The governor and 
council shall be authorized to contract for loans, not to exceed.one 
million dollars, and to hypothecate the public lands and pledge 
the faith of the country for security of payment. That they have 
the power to impose and regulate imposts and tonnage duties, and 
provide for their collecton under such regulations as may be 
most expedient. 

‘ ‘ They shall have power, and it is hereby made the duty of the 
governor and council, to treat with the several tribes of Indians 
concerning their land claims; and, if possible, to secure their 
friendship. They shall establish postoffices and postroads and 
regulate the rates of postage and appoint a postmaster-general, 
who shall have competent powers for conducting this department 
of the provisional government, under such rules and regula¬ 
tions as the governor and council may prescribe. They shall have 
power to grant pardons, remit fines, and to hear and judge all 
cases usual in high courts of admiralty, agreeably to the law of 
nations. 

‘‘They shall have power to appoint their own secretary and 
other officers of their own body; also that they have the power 
to create and fill such offices as they may deem proper; provided, 
nevertheless, that this power does not extend to officers hereto¬ 
fore rejected by this house. 

“That the governor and council have power to organize, re¬ 
duce or increase the regular forces as they may deem the emer¬ 
gencies of the country require. 

‘ ‘ Article IV. The governor, for the time being and during the 
existence of the provisional government, shall be clothed with 
full and ample executive powers, and shall be commander-in- 


128 


BO MANGE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


chief of the army and navy, and of all the military forces of 
Texas by sea and land; and he shall have full power by himself, 
by and with the consent of the council, and by his proper com¬ 
mander, and other officers from time to time, to train, instruct, 
exercise and govern the militia and navy; and for the special 
defense and safety of the country, to assemble and put in war¬ 
like attitude the inhabitants thereof, and to lead and conduct 
them by their proper officers; and with them to encounter, repel, 
resist and pursue by force of arms, as well by sea as by land, 
within or without the limits of Texas; and also to destroy, if 
necessary, and conquer, by all proper ways and enterprises and 
means whatever, all and every such person or persons as shall 
at any time, in a hostile manner, attempt the destruction of our 
liberties, or the invasion, detriment or annoyance of the country; 
and by his proper officers use and exercise over the army and 
navy and the militia in the actual service, the law martial, in 
times of war, invasion or rebellion, and to take or surprise by all 
honorable ways and means consistent with the law of nations, all 
and every such person or persons, with their ships, arms, am¬ 
munition and goods, as shall, in a hostile manner, invade or at¬ 
tempt the invading or annoying our adopted country. And that 
the governor be clothed with all these and all other powers, which 
may be thought necessary by the permanent council, calculated 
to aid and protect the country from her enemies. 

“Article V. There shall be constituted a provisional judiciary 
in each jurisdiction represented, or which shall be represented in 
this house to consist of two judges, a first and second, the latter 
only to act in the absence or inability of the first, and be nomi¬ 
nated by the council and commissioned by the governor. 

“Article VI. Every judge so nominated and commissioned 
shall have jurisdiction over all crimes and misdemeanors recog¬ 
nized and known to the common law of England; he shall have 
power to grant writs of habeas corpus in all cases known and 
practiced to and under the same laws; he shall have power to 
grant writs of sequestration, attachments or arrest, in all cases 
established by the civil code and code of practice of the State 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


129 


of Louisiana, to be regulated by the forms thereof; shall possess 
full testamentary powers in all cases and shall also be made a 
court of record for conveyances, which may be made in English 
and not on stamped paper, and that stamped paper be, in all 
cases, dispensed with; and shall be the notary public of their 
respective municipalities. All office fees shall be regulated by 
the governor and the council; all other civil proceedings at law 
|hall be suspended until the governor and general council shall 
otherwise direct. Each municipality shall continue to elect a 
sheriff, alcalde and officers of ayuntamientos. 

“Article VII. All trials shall be by jury; and, in criminal 
cases, the proceedings shall be regulated upon the principles 
of the common law of England; and the penalties prescribed by 
said laws, in cases of conviction, shall be inflicted, unless the of¬ 
fender shall be pardoned, or fine remitted; for which purpose 
a reasonable time shall be allowed to every convict to make his 
application to the governor and council. 

“Article VIII. The officers of the provisional government, 
except such as are elected by this house, or the people, shall be 
appointed by the general council, and all officers shall be com¬ 
missioned by the governor. 

“Article IX. Every officer and member of the provisional 
government before entering upon the duties of his office, shall 
take and subscribe to the following oath of office: ‘I, A. B., do 
solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support the republican 
principles of the Constitution of IMexico of 1824, and obey the 
declaration and ordinances of the consultation of the chosen 
delegates of all Texas in general convention assembled, and the 
decrees and ordinances of the Provisional Government; and I 
will faithfully perform and execute the duties of my office agree¬ 
ably to law, to the best of my abilities, so help me God. ’ 

‘ ‘ Article X. On charges and specifications being made against 
any officer of the provisional government for malfeasance or 
misconduct in office, and presented to the governor and council, 
a fair and impartial trial shall be granted to be conducted before 


130 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY^ 


the general council; and if, in the opinion of two-thirds of the 
members, cause sufficient be shown, he shall be dismissed from 
office by the governor. 

‘‘Article XI. The governor and council shall organize and en¬ 
ter upon their duties immediately after the adjournment of this 
house and hold their sessions at such times and places as in their 
opinion will give the most energy and effect to the objects of 
the people, and to the performance of the duties assigned to them. 

“Article XII. The general council shall appoint a treasurer, 
whose duties shall he clearly defined by them, and who shall 
give approved security for their faithful performance. 

“Article XIII. That all land commissioners, empresarios, sur¬ 
veyors or persons in anywise concerned in the location of lands, 
be ordered forthwith to cease their operations during the agi¬ 
tated and unsettled state of the country, and continue to desist 
from further locations until the land office can be properlj^ 
systematized by the proper authority, which may hereafter be 
established; that fit and suitable persons be appointed to take 
charge of all the archives belonging to the different land offices, 
and deposit the same in safe places, secure from the ravages of 
fire, or the devastation of enemies; and that the persons so ap¬ 
pointed be fully authorized to carry the same into effect, and be 
required to take and sign triplicate schedules of all the books, 
papers and documents found in the several land offices, one of 
which shall be given to the governor and council, one left in 
the hands of the land office, the other to be retained by the said 
person; and they are enjoined to hold such papers and docu¬ 
ments in safe custody subject only to order of the provisional 
government or such competent authority as may be hereafter 
created; and the said persons shall be three from each depart¬ 
ment as commissioners to be forthwith appointed by this House 
to carry this resolution into full effect, and report thereon to 
the government and council, and that the political chiefs immedi¬ 
ately cease their functions. The different archives of the dif¬ 
ferent primary judges, alcaldes and other municipal officers 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


131 


of the various jurisdictons, shall be turned over to their success¬ 
ors in office, immediately after their electon or appointment; 
and the archives of the several political chiefs of the depart¬ 
ments of Nacogdoches, Brazos and Bexar, shall be transmitted 
forthwith to the governor and council for their disposition. 

“Article XIV. All personsSiow in Texas, and performing the 
duties of citizens, who have not acquired their quantum of land, 
shall be entitled to the benefit of the law of colonization, under 
which they immigrated, and all persons who may immigrate to 
Texas during her conflict for constitutional liberty, and perform 
the duty of citizens, shall also receive the benefits of the law 
under which they immigrated. 

“Article XV. The governor and council shall continue to exist 
as a provisional government until the re-assembling of this con¬ 
sultation, or until other delegates are elected by the people and 
another government established. 

“Article XVI. This convention when it may think proper to* 
adjourn, shall stand adjourned to meet at the town of Washing¬ 
ton, Texas, on the first day of March next, unless sooner called 
by the executive and council. 

“Article XVII. All grants, sales and conveyances of land il¬ 
legally and fraudulently made by the State of Coahuila and 
Texas, located or to be located within the limits of Texas, are 
hereby solemnly declared null and void and of no effect. 

“Article XVIII. All persons who leave the country in its pres¬ 
ent crisis, with a view" to avoid a participation in its present 
struggles, wdthout permission from the alcalde or judge of their 
municipality, shall forfeit all or any lands they may hold or 
may have a claim to, for the benefit of this government; Pro¬ 
vided, nevertheless, that wddow-s and minors are not included in 
this provision. 

“Article XIX. All moneys now due or that may hereafter be¬ 
come due, on lands lying with the limits of Texas, and all pub¬ 
lic funds or revenues, shall be at the disposal of the governor and 
general council, and the receipts of the treasurer shall be a suf- 


132 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


ficieiit voucher for any and all persons who may pay moneys 
into the treasury; and the governor and council shall have power 
to adopt a system of revenue to meet , the exigencies of the State. 

'‘Article XX. Ample power and authority shall be delegated 
and are hereby given and delegated to the governor and gen¬ 
eral council of the provisional government for all Texas, to carry 
into full effect the provisions and resolutions adopted by the 
consultation of the chosen delegates of all Texas in general con¬ 
vention assembled, for the creation, establishment and regulation 
of the said provisional government.” 

A provision was also made for the organization of an army 
for military defense. Its provisions were these: 

"Article 1. There shall be a regular army created for the pro¬ 
tection of Texas during the present war. 

"Article 2. The regular army of Texas shall consist of one 
Major General, who shall be commander-in-chief of all the forces 
* (i. e. both regulars and volunteers), called into public service 
during the war. (It must be borne in mind that the forces then 
in the field were volunteer citizens, acting in the entire absence 
of government, who could and who did come and go at the indi¬ 
vidual pleasure of each man.) 

Article 3, The commander-in-chief of the regular army of 
Texas shall be appointed by this convention (consultation) and 
commissioned by the governor. 

"Article 4. He shall be subject to the orders of the governor 
and council. 

"Article 5. His staff shall consist of one adjutant general, 
one quartermaster general, one paymaster general, one surgeon 
general and four aides-de-camp, with their respective ranks as 
in the United States army in time of war, to be appointed by the 
major general and commissioned by the governor. 

"Article 6. The regular army of Texas shall consist of men 
enlisted for two years, and of volunteers for and during the con¬ 
tinuance of the war. 

"Article 7. The regular army of Texas, while in service, shall 
be governed by the rules, regulations and discipline, in all re- 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


133 


spects , applicable to the regular army of the United States of 
America in time of war, so far as is applicable to our conditions 
and circumstances 

“Article 8. The regular army of Texas shall consist of eleven 
hundred and twenty men, rank and file. 

“Article 9. Provided for one hundred and fifty rangers to be 
placed in detachments on the frontier. 

“Article 10. Subjected all able-bodied men, over sixteen and 
under fifty years of age, to military duty. 

“Articles 11 and 12. Provided the mode of organizing the 
militia. 

“This addenda was added on motion of John A. Wharton: 

“Resolved, That the governor and council be empowered to 
issue writs of election to fill any vacancies that may occur in this 
body, and for the representation of those jurisdictions not yet 
represented; or to cause a new election in toto for delegates to 
the convention of the first of March next.” 

On November 12, the consultation proceeded to the election of 
officers under the organic law. Henry Smith was elected gov¬ 
ernor and James W. Robinson was elected lieutenant-governor. 
The consultation also went into the election of the members of 
the general council, which was to be composed of one member 
from each municipality. 

Sam Houston was elected major-general, to be commander-in¬ 
chief of all the forces in Texas. 

Governor Smith, Lieutenant-Governor Robinson, the thirteen 
members of the council and General Sam Houston presented 
themselves and took the oath of office, administered by Hr. 
Branch T. Archer, president of the consultation. 

Before the adjournment of the consultation, November 14, 
1835, a resolution was passed authorizing the governor and coun¬ 
cil to appoint three commissioners as agents to the United States. 
The following were appointed: Branch T. Archer, Win. H. 
Wharton and Stephen P. Austin. And thus a new government 
was born, entering at once upon its duties, enacting such pro- 


134 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


visional laws or decrees, as were deemed necessary, to bring order 
out of chaos, prepare military defense, regulate commerce, estab¬ 
lish judicial tribunals, etc. 

Having finished its work, the consultation adjourned, leaving 
the affairs of the country in the hands of the governor and 
council. 

The council held its first session November 14, 1835. The fol¬ 
lowing answered the first roll call: 

From San Felipe, Wylie Martin; Brazoria, John A. Wharton; 
Washington, Jesse Grimes; Mina, D. C. Barrett; Viesca, A. G. 
Perry; Nacogdoches, Daniel Parker; San Augustine, A. Hous¬ 
ton; Liberty, Henry Millard; Harrisburg, W. P. Harris; Mata¬ 
gorda, Charles Wilson; Teneha, Martin Parmer; Jefferson, Clai¬ 
borne West; Victoria, J. A. Padilla. 

In the original organization but thirteen municipalities were 
represented, but by the creation of the Municipalities of Jack- 
son, Colorado and Sabine, and the arrival of members from four 
others, the number was increased to twenty-one, but at no time 
were all the members present. 

On November 18, the council proceeded to the election of super¬ 
numerary members from the several municipalities, in order that 
vacancies occurring in the council might be promptly filled. The 
following were elected. 

From San Felipe, Thomas Barnett; Brazoria, John A. Whar¬ 
ton; Washington, Asa Mitchell; Mina, J. S. Lester; Gonzales, 
Berry Fuqua; Liberty, Henry Millard; San Augustine, N. C. E. 
Johnson; Harrisburg, Geo. M. Patrick; Bevil, John A. Veach; 
Matagorda, Charles Wilson. 

During the existence of the council, the Municipalities of Colo¬ 
rado, Jackson and Sabine were created and allowed representa¬ 
tion. The names of several municipalities were changed. Tenaha 
was changed to Shelby; Bevil to Jasper; Mina to Bastrop; 
Viesca to Milam. 

During the life of the council the following individuals served 
for a time, although there was never more than one member at 
the same time from the same municipality: 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 135 

San Felipe (Austin)—Wiley Martin, Thomas Barnett and 
Randall Jones. 

San Augustine—A. Houston and A. E. C. Johnson. 

Colorado—William Menefee and Jesse Burnham. 

Nacogdoches—Daniel Parker. 

Washington—Jesse Grimes, Asa llitchell, Avsa Hoxey. 

Liberty—Henry Millard. 

Milam—A. G. Perry and Alex Thompson. 

Shelby—Martin Parmer and James B. Tucker. 

Gonzales—J. D. Clements. 

Bastrop—D. C. Barrett and Bartlett Sims. 

Matagorda—Richard R. Royall, Charles Wilson, Ira R. Lewis 
and James Kerr. 

Harrisburg—Wm. P. Harris. 

Brazoria—John A. Wharton and Edwin Waller. 

Jasper—Wyatt Hanks. 

Jefferson—Claiborne West and G. A. Patilla. 

Victoria—J. A. Padilla and John J. Linn. 

Refugio—James Power and John Malone. 

Goliad—Ira Westover. 

San Patricio—Lewis Ayers and John McMullen. 

Sabine—John S. Lane. 

Jackson^—James Kerr. 

It will be noted that Kerr represented Matagorda. When the 
municipality of Jackson was created he ceased to represent Mata¬ 
gorda. Wm. ]\Ienefee represented Austin, but when Colorado was 
created he was transferred from Austin to Colorado. 

Governor Smith appointed Dr. Chas. B. Stewart as executive 
secretary and P. B. Dexter was elected secretary of the council. 
Governor Smith sent his first message November 16, 1835. The 
following excepts from it give a fair indication of the problems 
which confronted the government at that time: 


136 


KOMANGE AND TEAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT 
San Felipe, November 15, 1835 

“To the President and Members of the Legislative Council of 
Texas: 

“Gentlemen—Called upon to discharge the duties of the Su¬ 
preme Executive Council of the free and sovereign State of 
Texas, I commence the task, not without distrust of my abilities, 
but relying chiefly upon your support, and the indulgence of 
an intelligent and well disposed people, I am inspired with con¬ 
fidence and cheered by the hope that our united efforts to serve 
the public good will not prove unavailing. 

‘ ‘ I trust there is not one of your honorable body insensible to 
the many dangers that threaten, surround and overhang our 
adopted country; that there is not one who does not feel the 
great trust confided, and, who is not aware of the heavy responsi¬ 
bilities which necessarily devolve upon us. In the outset, in the 
very beginning, ere one error is committed or an act performed, 
I call on you to summon to your assistance moral courage; 
to throw around you the impenetrable shield of honesty; 
to march onward in the pathway of duty and undauntedly 
meet the dangers and obstacles which chance or design may 
throw in your way. If we cower or shirk beneath the task, 
shame and disgrace awaits us and ruin irretrievable to our 
adopted country. Contemplate the task before you, the dangers 
to be encountered, and the obstacles to be removed or sur¬ 
mounted, and decline the task, or make a beginning with a firm 
determination faithfully and fearlessly to perform your duties. 

“You have to call system from chaos; to start the wheels of 
government, clogged and impeded as they are by conflicting in¬ 
terests, and by discordant materials, without funds, without the 
munitions of war, with an army in the field contending against 
a powerful foe; these are the auspices under which we are forced 
to make a beginning. 

Our country is now involved in war. Our foe is far superior 
to us in numbers and resources. Yet when I consider the stern 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


137 


material of which our army is composed, the gallant and heroic 
men that are now in the field, I regard not the disparity of num¬ 
bers, but am satisfied that we could push our conquests to the 
walls of Mexico. I earnestly recommend that you adopt the most 
prompt and energetic measures in behalf of the army; that you 
forthwith provide all the necessary munitions of war, so that 
the army may not be cramped or impeded by any remissness on 
the part of the government, and that you be careful to select 
agents of known skill and science to purchase artillery and other 
munitions. 

‘"Our frontier and seaport towns are unprotected and ex¬ 
posed to the mercy of the enemy. The necessity of having them 
well fortified must be obvious to all. I therefore recommend the 
organization of a civil topographical engineer corps, and the com- 
mencment of work of fortification and defense without delaly. 

‘'Volunteers from foreign countries are daily reaching our 
shores and enlisting in our cause. These gallant and chivalrous 
men are actuated alone by the noblest motives; no sordid or mer¬ 
cenary considerations have induced them to leave their homes 
and share our fate. Let us then act with becoming generosity, 
and unasked, give valor its reward. I recommend this not only 
that the world may know what are the inducements that Texas 
holds forth to the brave and enterprising, but in order that it 
may be now settled and not hereafter become the cause of dis¬ 
satisfaction. 

“No time should be lost in the organization of the militia, nor 
in the local civil organization of the different jurisdictions of 
Texas in conformity with the plan of the provisional organization 
of the government. 

‘ ‘ It will also become your duty to select some place as the seat 
of government, at which to hold your regular sittings during the 
continuance of the present form of government. In doing this 
you will throw aside all local partialities and prejudices and fix 
that point possessing most advantages, and the best calculated 
to forward our views, by giving promptness and energy to our 
united actions. 


138 


KOMAXCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


‘‘Again permit me to remind you of the necessity of acting 
with energy, boldness and promptitude, that, the welfare of thou¬ 
sands depends upon your actions. Your country possesses im¬ 
mense resources if properly developed; it is for you to quicken 
and enliven the body politic, and make Texas the Eden of 
America. 

“I can conclude by expressing the hope that the Supreme 
Ruler of Nations will smile upon your council and that we will 
be enabled to place Texas in a situation to become what God of 
Nations designed her to be, a land of liberty and of laws—of 
agriculture and commerce—the pride and support of our lives, 
and a legacy of price unspeakable to posterity. ’ ’ 

On November 26 an ordinance was passed by the council car¬ 
rying out the provisions of the organic law providing for a vig¬ 
orous defense against the enemy in the appointment of first 
and second judges of each municipality, and the appointment of 
commissioners for organizing the militia. The following were 
appointed judges: 

Brazoria—L. C. Mansen, first judge; Robert Mills, second 
judge. 

Washington—James Hall and Hugh McGiffen. 

Gonzales—Andrew Ponton and Charles Lockhart. 

Bastrop—Sinclair Gervis and Thomas Kinney. 

Nacogdoches—John Forbes and Radford Berry. 

San Augustine—John G. Love and W. A. Singler. 

Harrisburg—H. H. League and Nathaniel Lynch. 

Jasper—George W. Smyth and Joseph Matt. 

Shelby—Emory Rains and James English 

Jefferson—C. Chaplan and Wm. T. Hatton. 

Victoria—Placido Benavidas and Francisco Cardenas. 

Goliad—Encarnacios Vasquez and Robert Galan. 

Refugio—Martin Power and Martin Lawler. 

Bexar—Juan N. Seguin and iMiguel Asceniega. 

San Felipe—George Ewing and Gail Borden. 

^latagorda—Charles Wilson and Thomas M. Duke. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


139 


COMMISSIONERS FOR ORGANIZING THE MILITIA 

Brazoria—J. S. D. Bryom, Mathew Patton and James O’¬ 
Conor. 

Washington—Jas. J. Foster, John M. Hall and Asa Mitchell. 

Bastrop—J. S. Lester, Samuel Wolfenberger and Reuben 
Hornsby. 

Gonzales—W. A. Arrington, Andrew Ponton and Berry 
Fuqua. 

Milam—Silas M. Parker, J. G. W. Patterson and Wm. Taylor. 

Nacogdoches—Richard Sparks, George Pollett and Arthur 
Henrie. 

San Augustine—Samuel Davis, Wm. Nash and Daniel Mc¬ 
Daniel. 

Harrisburg—William Little, James Cooper and Wm. Scott. 

Jasper—Asaac Wenfry, John Bevil and X. B. Mudd. 

Shelby—Richard Haley, Jonas Harrison and Wm. English. 

Jefferson—Richard Bellew, G. A. Patilla and Theran Strong. 

Victoria—S 3 dvester DeLeon, Placido Benavidas and INIanuel 
Carrajacal. 

Refugio—Robert Carlisle, John Coglin and Eleanor Brush. 

Goliad—Cabel Bennett, Antonio Vasquez and Ramon Falcon. 

Liberty—Hugh B. Johnson, B. W. Hardin and Jesse Devore. 

San Felipe—Thomas Gay, John Jones and Eli Mercer. 

Matagorda—Jefferson George, Bailey Hardeman and H. C. 
Cook. 

The council also elected the officers for the army, designated 
Ranger officers and accepted the tender of services of individ¬ 
uals or groups of individuals. It passed many ordinances or de¬ 
crees tending to the building of a stable government. It elected 
a treasurer, an auditor and such other officers as were deemed 
necessary to maintain a representative government. Called a 
general convention to meet at Old Washington, March 1, 1836. 
It provided for the organization of a regiment of artillery and 
a regiment of infantry, each regiment to consist of two battalions 
of five companies each. The regiment of artillery was to be of- 


140 ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 

ficered as follows: One colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, one major, 
ten captains, ten first lieutenants, ten second lieutenants and 
ten third lieutenants. The regiment of infantry was to be of¬ 
ficered as follows: One colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, one 
major, ten captains, ten first lieutenants and ten second lieuten¬ 
ants. A ranger corps was also provided for. 

The council also provided for the immediate appointment of a 
part of the officers—from the captains down—in order that 
when reporting for duty to the commander-in-chief they might 
be ordered on recruiting service. 

The following were elected officers of the regiment of in¬ 
fantry of the army of Texas: 

Captains—James Carter, John Byrd, Ezekial Williams, R. 
M. Colman, George M. Collingsworth, John W. Martin and 
George F. Richardson. 

First lieutenants—Henry Teal, John York, W. H. Smith, 
Franklin Hardin, L. H. McNeal, George English, Amasa Turner, 
John Bowman, J. W. Shephard and Robert Wilson. 

Second lieutenants—Madison Whitaker, McHenry Wilborne, 
B. F. Sanders, Milton Hardin, Pleasant Bull, R. H. Mabbitt, 
Benj. (h Wallace, Wm. Booth, Jefferson Allcorn and D. C. 
Kokonut. 

On December 7, the council proceeded to elect officers for the 
regiment of artillery. James W. Fannin was elected colonel and 
James C. Neil was elected lieutenant-colonel. The following were 
elected: 

Captains—J. W. E. Wallace, Ira Westover, Samuel Williams, 
J. N. Moreland, Peter J. Menard. 

First lieutenants—John D. McAllister, Alameson Dickerson, 
John Henry, John Chaffin and Lucin W. Gates. 

Second lieutenants—James H. Blount, Joseph Cadle, Robert 
H. Foot, Alexander Farmer and C. R. Sharp. 

Third lieutenants—William Holman, William Eaton, W. C. 
Wilson, Robert J. Calder and George W. Poe. 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


141 


Philip A. Sublet was elected colonel of infantry and Henry 
Millard was elected lieutenant-colonel, and William Oldham was 
elected major of infantry. 

David H. McComb was elected lieutenant-colonel of artillery 
and W. B. Travis major of artillery. T. P. C. Barrett was 
elected second major of artillery. 

John R. Jones was elected postmaster-general. 

The following were elected officers of the corps of rangers: 

R. ^I. Williamson, major; Isaac W. Burton, W. A. Arrington, 
John J. Tumblenson were elected captains. Horatio McHanks, 
Jesse ]\IcCoy, Lacelot Smither were elected first lieutenants. 
Thomas Robbins, Littleton Tumblenson and Joseph Rogers were 
elected second lieutenants. 

On December 11, the council proceeded to elect collectors of 
the several ports of Texas, as follows: Sabine, Samuel Rogers; 
Galveston, W. P. Harris; Brazoria, W. S. Fisher; Matagorda, 
George M. Collingsworth; Capano, P]dward Gritton; Lavaca, 
Lewis Ayers. 

Additional captains of the regiment of artillery were elected 
as follows: Geo. W. Poe, Robert L. Morris, James S. Lester, 
John A. Veach and James Cheshire. The following additional 
first lieutenants were elected: Joseph Bonnell, A. K. Jones, B. C. 
Wallace, Samuel G. Hawks and Francis W. Johnson. The fol¬ 
lowing were elected additional second lieutenants: Ashmore Ed¬ 
wards, T. J. Strausburg, John W. Bunton, Monroe Edwards and 
Dugald IMcFarland. The following were elected additional third 
lieutenants: I’ryor Bryan, John P. Borden, George Scott, Pres¬ 
ton Savory and Robert E. Redding. 

D. C. Barrett was elected judge advocate general. 

On December 10 Edward Burleson was elected colonel of in¬ 
fantry to succeed Philip A. Sublet, resigned. 

The council passed an ordinance which was approved, provid¬ 
ing for the organization of the legion of cavalry. Officers for 
this organization were elected as follows: W. P. Miller, major; 


142 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


Juan N. Seguin, Robert Wilson, John Forsyth, B. J. White, Har¬ 
den Edwards and John York were elected captains; W. G. Hill, 
M. W. Smith, Allen Larison, Jonathan Burleson, Placido Bene- 
vides and William Bracken were elected first lieutenants. The 
following were elected second lieutenants: Joseph E. Scott 
James B. Bonham, John W. Thurston, Manuel Carabajal, James 
Drake and J. Bevil, Jr. 

Thomas F. McKinney was elected commissary general. 

W. B. Travis declined his election of major of artillery and 
Francis W. Johnson was elected to succeed him. 

On December 27 the council authorized James Bowie to raise 
troops to be enrolled as an auxilliary corps of Texas. On this 
same date John W. Moody was elected auditor and John H. 
Mooney comptroller. Gail Borden, Jr., was elected collector of 
public duties on lands for the department of the Brazos. Arthur 
Henry was elected collector of public duties for the department 
of Nacogdoches. H. C. Hudson was elected comptroller of 
treasury. 

The business of the council proceeded harmoniously until late 
in December, when friction began to manifest itself. Finally a 
breach was created between the council and Governor Smith. 

It appeared that the council was acting without a quorum, 
and during the period of its career it announced the passage of 
several ordinances or decrees, and gave publicity to the same 
without approval of the governor, Henry Smith. Among the 
ordinances passed was one pertaining to the military which 
usurped the authority already vested in the commander-in-chief 
of the army. General Sam Houston. These things greatly ex¬ 
asperated Governor Smith, and losing his temper he addressed 
a communication to the council w^hich greatly offended that body. 
As a result the council, a minority being present, declared the 
office of governor vacant and installed Lieutenant-Governor 
Robinson as governor. Governor Smith refused to relinquish the 
office and thus matters stood when the convention convened at 
Old Washington, March 1, 1836. 








DAVID G. BITRNKT 


ALONZO DE ZAVALA 





KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


143 


The breach between Governor Smith and the council was one 
of the most dramatic events of Texas history, and when Gov¬ 
ernor Smith’s arraignment of the council became known, great 
Rlarm was felt, as it was feared that the progress thus far made 
toward establishing a stable government would end in confusion, 
if not in anarchy. But it appears from subsequent events that 
the people of the State were in sympathy with Governor Smith’s 
attitude. General Sam Houston, commander-in-chief of the Texas 
army, sustained Governor Smith, and when the convention met 
at Old Washington, March 1, 1836, that body proceeded with its 
deliberations as if nothing had occurred to disturb the successful 
administration of the provisional government, although the coun¬ 
cil had appointed two of its members, Alex Thompson and J. 
D. Clements, to conduct the prosecution of Governor Smith, 
before that body. 

Governor Smith and a remnant of the council arrived in Wash¬ 
ington previous to the meeting of the convention. Immediately 
on the convening of the convention Governor Smith submitted 
a report of what had been done by the provisional government 
under his administration. He referred only briefly to the ac¬ 
tions of the council ‘'contrary to justice and good faith.’’ 

On jMarch 4 a committee, appointed by the convention, called 
on the few’ members of the council still in convention and re¬ 
quested that all of their papers and records be delivered to the 
convention. They w’ere displeased by this proceedure and they an- 
sw^ered protesting against the convention’s actions, but advised 
the convention that “if any authority is designated to receive 
the archives, wt shall be ready to deliver them, and return with 
pleasure to our homes and the field.” 

A small number of the council members continued to meet 
daily until March 11, when a resolution introduced by General 
Thomas J. Rusk was adopted, requiring ‘ ‘ that the late Governor 
Henry Smith, the late Lieut.-Governor Jas. W. Robinson and the 
late council, the late treasurer, the late auditor and comptroller 
of public accounts be requested to deliver to the house, all the 


144 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


books, papers, journals, correspondence, contracts, laws and 
other papers connected with or relating to their several offices. ^ ’ 

A prompt compliance was made by all parties concerned to the 
requirements of the convention, whereupon the few remaining 
members of the council adjourned sine die and the provisional 
government ceased to exist. 

The convention of 1836 was the culmination of all the protests 
of the colonists against Mexican tyranny and owing to its tre- 
meduous results was the most important assembly held by the 
people. It was composed of regularly elected delegates with 
plenary power. It was the fourth convention of the people held 
prior to the establishment of the Republic. 

The following delegates presented their credentials and took 
seats in this convention: J. B. Badgett, Geo. W. Barnett, Thos. 
Barnett; S. W. Blount; J. W. Bower, Andrew Briscoe, J. W. 
Bunton, J. S. D. Byrom, Mathew Caldwell, S. P. Carson, Geo. C. 
Childress, W. Clark, Jr., R. M. Coleman, James T. Collingsworth, 
Edwin Conrad, W. C. Crawford, Lorenzo De Zavala, R. Ellis, 
S. H. Everett, John Fisher, S. Rhodes Fisher, James Gaines, T. 
J. Gazley, B. B. Goodrich, Jesse Grimes, Robert Hamilton, Bailey 
Hardeman, A. B. Hardin, Sam Houston, Ira Brigham, W. D. 
Lacy, A. H. Latimer, E. 0. LeGrand, Collin McKinney, S. A. 
Maverick, ^I. B. ^Menard, Wm. ^lenefee, Jno. W. Moore, W. Mott- 
ley, Jose A. Navarro, Martin Parmer, S. 0. Pennington, Robert 
Potter, James Power, J. S. Roberts, S. C. Robertson, F. Ruiz, 
Thos J. Rusk, W. B. Scates, Geo. W. Smyth, Elijah Stapp, 
Chas. B. Stewart, J. G. Swisher, Chas. S. Taylor, David Thomas, 
Jno. Turner, Edwin Waller, Claiborne West, J. B. Woods. 

James Kerr, J. J. Linn and Juan Antonio Padilla were elected 
delegates to the convention but were unable to attend. 

Ira Brigham was a delegate and took part in the convention, 
but his name does not appear as a signer of the Declaration of 
Independence. 

The convention assembled promptly on March 1, 1836. Rich¬ 
ard Ellis, of Red River, was elected president, and H. S. Kimble 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


145 


secretary. E. ]\L Pease was elected assistant secretary and Irani 
Palmer sergeant-at-arms. John A. Hizer, doorkeeper, and M. 
Saul, engrossing clerk. 

On the first day of the session George C. Childress offered a 
resolution which was adopted, providing for the appointment of 
a committee of five delegates to draft a declaration of independ¬ 
ence from ^Mexico. The president accordingly appointed George 
C. Childress, Janies Gaines, Edwin Conrad, Collin iMcKinney 
and Bailey Hardeman on this committee. 

On the second day, ^larch 2, Robert Potter introduced a reso¬ 
lution providing for the appointment of a committee consisting 
of one member from each municipality represented, to draft a 
constitution for the Republic of Texas. The resolution was 
adopted and the president appointed the following on the com¬ 
mittee : Martin Parmer, San Augustine, Chairman; Robert Pot¬ 
ter, Nacogdoches; Charles B. Stewart, San Felipe; Edwin Wal¬ 
ler, Brazoria: Jesse Grimes, Washington: Robert M. Coleman, 
Mina; John Fisher, Gonzales; John W. Bunton, Mina; James 
Gaines, Sabine; Lorenzo de Zavala, Harrisburg; S. H. Everett, 
Jasper; Bailey Hardeman, Matagorda; Elijah Stapp, Jackson; 
William C. Crawford, Shelby; Claiborne West, Jefferson; Jose 
Antonio Navarro, Bexar; Collin McKinney, Red River; William 
Menefee, Colorado; William ^Mottley, Goliad; ^Michael B. Me¬ 
nard, Liberty. On the following day, March 3, the following 
were added to the committee; Sam Houston, Refugio; Robert 
Hamilton, Red River; James Collingsworth, Brazoria; David 
Thomas, Refugio. 

On March 2 ^Ir. Childress, chairman of the committee to draft 
a declaration of independence, made his report which was ac¬ 
companied by a draft of the proposed declaration of independ¬ 
ence. Upon motion of Sam Houston, the declaration of inde¬ 
pendence was adopted. It was enrolled and signed by each of 
the delegates. 

After the adoption and signing of the declaration of inde¬ 
pendence, and while the convention was waiting to secure the 
report from the committee appointed to draft a constitution for 


146 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


the Republic, it disposed of several important matters. On the 
3rd of March it adopted resolutions closing the land office and 
forbidding commissioners to issue titles, and authorized the or¬ 
ganization of a regiment of Rangers. On ]\Iarch 4 it elected Sam 
Houston Commander-in-Chief of all the land forces of the 
Texas army, both regular, volunteers and military while in actual 
service. ’ ’ 

On March 7 the convention passed a resolution declaring all 
male inhabitants of Texas between the ages of seventeen and 
fifty subject to military duty, and providing for the immediate 
organization of a military force. 

On March 14 the convention increased the land bounties al¬ 
lowed volunteers; to those who served throughout the war should 
be given 1280 acres, and corresponding amounts were to be al¬ 
lowed those who served for a shorter time. 

On the 17th the committee reported the proposed constitution 
for the Republic. It was read section by section and adopted. 
The convention then immediately took up the business of estab¬ 
lishing a government ad interim in conformity to the provisions 
of the constitution. The following officers were elected: David 
G. Burnet, president; Lorenzo de Zavala, vice-president; Samuel 
P. Carson, secretary of state; Bailey Hardeman, secretary of 
the treasury; Thomas J. Rusk, secretary of war; Robert Potter, 
secretary of the navy, and David Thomas, attorney general. 

While the convention was in session the west was all astir over 
military happenings. The Alamo had fallen and its defenders 
massacred, and Santa Anna, with the flower of the IMexican 
army, was preparing to invade and lay waste the whole territory 
east. When the convention adjourned many of its members 
joined the army of defense, or took part in giving aid to the help¬ 
less families who were fleeing before Santa Anna’s invading 
armies. 

In another part of this book appears a fac simile copy of the 
Declaration of Independence adopted by this convention. 

It is appropriate to close this chapter with a brief summary 
of the convention known as the “Annexation Convention.” This 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


147 


convention adopted plans to carry into effect the ordinance of 
annexation with the United States which took form the following 
December. 

This convention convened in the City of Austin in obedience 
to a proclamation of the president of the Republic of Texas, 
Anson Jones. It met July 4, 1845, and remained in session until 
August 28, 1845. The object of the convention was to consider 
the wish of the people toward annexing the Republic of Texas 
as a State into the United States. 

The following permanent officers were elected: Thomas J. 
Rusk, president; James H. Raymond, secretary; Thomas Green, 
assistant secretary; J. M. Swisher, second assistant secretary; 
James Neely, sergeant-at-arms; Rev. Abner Haynie, chaplain; 
William Cockburn, doorkeeper. 


The following table gives the names, nativity and residence 
of the members of the convention in addition to the officers: 


Name 

County 

Place of 
Nativity 

Date of 
Immigration 
to Texas 

Rusk, T. J., Pres. 

Nacogdoches 

So. Carolina 

Jan., 1835 

Anderson, Jno. B 

Gonzales 

Virginia 

Jan., 1835 

Armstrong, Jas. 

Jefferson 

Kentucky 

Nov., 1835 

Armstrong, C. 

Robertson 

Tennessee 

Sept., 1837 

Bagby, B. C. 

Lavaca 



Baylor, R. E. B. 

Fayette 

Kentucky 

Nov., 1839 

Beche, R. 

Galveston 

Pennsylvania 

April 1836 

Brashear, Isaac W. 

Harris 

Tennessee 

Feb., 1839 

Brown, Geo. Wm. 

Colorado 

Virginia 

Nov., 1839 

Burroughs, Jas. M. 

Sabine 

Alabama 

Feb., 1844 

Caldwell, John 

Bastrop 

Kentucky 

Dec., 1830 

Cazneau, Wm. L. 

Travis 

Massachusetts 

June, 1830 

Clark, Edward 

Harrison 

Louisiana 

Sept., 1842 

Cunningham, A. B. 

Victoria 

Virginia 

April, 1836 

Cuney, Phil. M. 

Austin 

Louisiana 

Nov., 1840 

Darnell, N. H. 

San Augustine 

Tennessee 

Nov., 1836 

Davis, James 

Liberty 

Virginia 

Feb., 1842 




148 ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


Evans, L. D. 

Fannin 

Tennessee 

Jan., 1844 

Everts, G. A. 

Fannin 

Ohio 

July, 1844 

Forbes, R. M. 

Brazoria 

Virginia 

Feb., 1836 

Gage, David 

Rusk 

Kentucky 

May, 1839 

Hemphill, John 

Washington 

So. Carolina 

Aug., 1838 

Henderson, J. P. 

San Augustine 

No. Carolina 

April, 1836 

Hicks, N. W. 0. 

Shelby 

Tennessee 

Nov., 1838 

Hogg, Jos. L. 

Nacogdoches 

Georgia 

Jan., 1841 

Horton, A. C. 

Matagorda 

Georgia 

Feb., 1835 

Houston, Sam 

Montgomery 

Virginia 

Dec., 1832 

Howard, Volney E. 

Bexar 

Maine 


Holland, S. 

Harrison 

Virginia 

Jan., 1842 

Hunter, Wm. L. 

Goliad 

Virginia 

Oct., 1835 

Irion, Van R. 

Washington 

Georgia 

May, 1836 

Jewett, H. J. 

Robertson 

Maine 

Jan., 1839 

Jones, Olive 

Kinney, H. L. 

Austin 
San Patricio 

Pennsylvania 

Sept., 1837 

Latimer, A. H. 

Red River 

Tennessee 

Dec., 1833 

Latimer, H. R. 

Lamar 

Tennessee 

Dec., 1834 

Lewis, John M. 

Montgomery 

Virginia 

Feb., 1842 

Love, James 

Galveston 

Kentucky 

April, 1837 

Lumpkin, P. 0. 

Houston 

Georgia 

April, 1835 

Lusk, Sam 
Lipscomb, A. S. 

Brazos 

Washington 

So. Carolina 

Nov., 1839 

Mayfield, J. S. 

Fayette 

Tennessee 

April, 1837 

McGowen, Alex 

Harris 

No. Carolina 

Aug., 1839 

McNeil, A. 

Montgomery 

No. Carolina 

Sept., 1837 

Mills, John T. 

Red River 



Miller, J. B. 

Fort Bend 

Kentucky 

1827 

Moore, Francis, Jr. 

Harris 

^lassachusetts 

1836 

Navarro, J. Antonio 

Bexar 

Texas (Bexar) 


Ochiltree, W. B. 

Nacogdoches 



Parker, Isaac 

Houston 

Tennessee 

1833 

Powers, James 

Refugio 

_ 

1823 

Rains, Emery 

Shelby 

— 

1820 

Runnels, H. G. 

Brazoria 

Georgia 

1842 














KOMANCE AND TKAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


149 


Scott, James 

Montgomery 

No. Carolina 

Feb., 1830 

Smyth, G. W. 

Jasper 


Mar., 1839 

Standifer, Israel 

Milam 

Tennessee 

1841 

Tarrant, E. H. 

Bowie 


__ 

Taylor, Chas. S. 

Nacogdoches 

England 

1830 

Van Zandt, Isaac 

Harrison 

Tennessee 

Sept., 1838 

White, Francis M. 

Jackson 

Tennessee 

1831 

Wood, George T. 

Liberty 

Georgia 

1839 

Wright, G. W. 

Lamar 



Young, Wm. C. 

Red River 

Tennessee 

Jan., 1837 


General Sam Houston had been elected a delegate from Mont¬ 
gomery County, but going on a visit to General Jackson, in Ten¬ 
nessee, could not attend the convention, and Charles B. Stewart, 
who had been a candidate for delegate and received the next 
highest number of votes, was seated as a delegate representing 
Montgomery County. 

The convention ratified the ordinance of annexation with the 
United States and performed such other acts as were necessary 
to accomplish annexation with the United States. 

Thus came an ending of Texas as a Republic and she entered 
on her career as a State of the United States. 







150 ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 






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TEXANS REBEL AGAINST MILITARY AUTHORTIY AT 
ANAHUAC 

Result op Mexican Officers’ Unlawful Acts 

Bradburn Arrests Texans—Texans Demand Their Release— 
Piedras Arrives at Anahuac—Removes Bradburn—Delivers the 
Texans to Civil Authority—Attack the Mexicans at Velasco and 
the Fort at Velasco Captured — Bustamente^s Military Driven 
From the State. 

The disturbance in Anahuac in 1832 was a history-making 
epoch in Texas. It was the torch of resistance that swept the 
State from one end to the other, and did not burn itself out until 
the despotic military leaders of the arch enemy of the Texas 
colonists were driven from the State. It was the beginning of the 
end of Bustamente’s rule in Texas. It was the incident which 
precipitated the conflict at Velasco, and that at Nacogdoches, 
which culminated in expelling Bustamente’s military leaders 
from the country. 

In 1829 Bustamente became president of Mexico. He soon 
secured the passage of a decree aiming particularly at the Texas 
colonists. This decree prohibited further colonization from ad¬ 
jacent foreign territory, and the importation of slaves into Texas. 
He suspended all unfulfilled empresario contracts. This was 
accepted by the Texas colonists as military despotism and they 
rebelled against him, as his decree closed the door completely to 
future emigration to Texas from the United States. Excitement 
ran high. Mexican officials soon came to Texas for the purpose 
of formulating plans to enforce the decree and to place the State 
of Texas completely under Federal control. 

On September 29, 1832, Teran was appointed commander of 
the Eastern Province and thus became the superior military of¬ 
ficer of Texas. The State of Texas was to be occupied by sol¬ 
diers of questionable character. Garrisons were placed at Ve¬ 
lasco, near the mouth of the Brazos; at Anahuac, near the head 


164 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


of Galveston Bay, and troops were moved from the Rio Grande to 
Tipantitlan near San Patricio, on the Nueces River. Garrisons 
were already stationed at San Antonio, Goliad and Nacogdoches. 

With the establishment of these military posts came an order 
making Galveston Island a port of entry, with the custom house 
at Anahuac. The excuse given by the Mexican officials for the 
establishment of these military posts was to insure the better 
collection of custom duties and to better protect the frontier 
against Indians. The real object was, doubtless, to strengthen 
the military in the State and to enable President Bustamente to 
enforce his despotic rule. 

In 1832, a strip of ten leagues wide along the coast was de¬ 
clared under martial law. Thus matters looked bad for Texas. 
David Bradburn, a renegade Kentuckian, in the service of the 
Mexican government, was appointed to command the port at 
Anahuac. Among his first measures was to close the port of 
Brazos and make Galveston the only port of entry in Texas, 
with the custom house at Anahuac. Against this unlawful and 
annoying procedure the citizens of Brazoria protested. A con¬ 
ference of the citizens of Brazoria was called and Dr. Branch T. 
Archer and George McKinstry were appointed to wait on Brad- 
burn and urge him to annul this order. Bradburn received them 
cooly, but after some days’ delay he issued orders to reopen the 
port at Brazos. Bradburn, however, continued his course of 
tyranny, and when one of his soldiers committed an outrage 
against one of the colonists. Colonel Wm. B. Travis, Patrick C. 
Jack, Samuel T. Allen, Monroe Edwards and others called on 
Bradburn and protested against such acts of tyranny. Brad¬ 
burn became angered over their protests and ordered them all 
arrested and locked up in the military fort at Anahuac. The 
news of this despotic course of Bradburn’s soon reached the colo¬ 
nists at San Felipe, Brazoria and other localities. When William 
H. Jack, a brother of Patrick C. Jack, learned of his brother’s 
arrest, on the order of Bradburn, he went at once to Anahuac 
to intercede in behalf of his brother. He sought an audience with 
Bradburn. After a long wait he was conducted to Bradburn’s 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


165 


headquarters, Mr. Jack at once informed Bradburn of the ob¬ 
ject of his visit, and inquired of Bradburn the cause which had 
led to the arrest of his brother and his companions. Bradburn 
informed him that the arrest was made on the order of his su¬ 
perior, General Teran. Mr. Jack expressed great surprise, and 
replied that the citizens arrested were not members of the Mex¬ 
ican army and navy, and therefore, if guilty of violating the law, 
should be delivered to the civil authorities for trial. This state¬ 
ment appeared to have incensed Bradburn, and he informed 
^Ir. Jack that he had been instructed to send the prisoners to 
Vera Cruz for trial by the. military authorities. Mr. Jack pro¬ 
tested vehemently against this course, as a result Bradburn 
ordered him to leave Anahuac at once or he would arrest and 
imprison him. Mr. Jack at once left Anahuac and returned in 
haste to San Felipe. His arrival at San Felipe was soon made 
known, and the citizens assembled to hear his account of his 
visit to Anahuac and his treatment by Bradburn. Mr. Jack gave 
a detailed account of his conference with Bradburn and of Brad¬ 
burn’s threat to arrest him. He also told the citizens of San 
Felipe that Bradburn claimed to have received instructions to 
send the imprisoned Texans to Vera Cruz. This statement greatly 
aroused the people and they expressed a determination to se¬ 
cure the release of the prisoners, even if force were required to 
accomplish it. They at once began preparations to carry out 
their threats, and agreed upon the plan of calling upon the 
citizens of the different municipalities to equip themselves for 
war and assemble as early as possible at a point agreed upon 
near Liberty. Accordingly messengers were dispatched to the 
settlements about San Felipe, to acquaint the settlers of the 
situation and plans. William Pettus and Robert M. Williamson 
were selected to perform this service. Captain John Austin was 
appointed to visit the settlements on the lower Brazos; Captain 
Wiley Martin was assigned to the settlement of Fort Bend; 
Benjamin F. Terrell and Frank W. Johnson were to proceed 
east, by way of Spring Creek, Buffalo Bayou, Lynchburg and 
thence to Liberty. The citizens in every section responded 


166 


EOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


promptly to the call to arms and began to assemble at the point 
selected for rendevouz. As a result within a few days quite an 
army of determined men assembled. An organization was.per¬ 
fected and Frank W. Johnson was elected captain, W. D. C. Hall 
first lieutenant, and Thomas Bradley second lieutenant. This 
little army of determined men soon started on their march to 
Anahuac. Sergeant Blackman, with a squad of sixteen men, 
under the command of Robert M. Williamson, formed the ad¬ 
vance guard. Flankers were thrown out on each side of the 
army. They had proceeded but a short distance Avhen the ad¬ 
vance guard surprised and captured a squad of Bradburn’s cav¬ 
alry, who had been sent out to reconnoiter. They struck camp 
the first night at White’s crossing of Turtle Bayou. Early on 
the following morning they resumed their march to Anahuac, 
which they reached about noon, and at once established head¬ 
quarters. After posting guards a committee composed of Cap¬ 
tain Wiley Martin, W. H. Jack, Major H. K. Lewis, Hugh B. 
Johnson and Frank W. Johnson, called upon Bradburn. They 
advised Bradburn of the object of their visit, and demanded the 
release of the prisoners to the constitutional Alcalde of that 
jurisdiction. They impressed upon Bradburn the fact that the 
object of their visit was peaceful and that they would not re¬ 
sort to force unless compelled to do so by a refusal of their 
demands. 

Colonel Frank W. Johnson says in his memoirs “that after a 
good deal of prevarication Bradburn ultimately informed us 
that he acted in the first instance under orders of the Command¬ 
ing General Teran, and that he (Bradburn) was no longer the 
commanding officer of the port of Anahuac, but that he had 
been succeeded by Colonel Suverano. Suverano was present dur¬ 
ing the conference, but neither denied or confirmed Bradburn’s 
statement. The committee was displeased with Bradburn’s state¬ 
ment and informed him, that having failed to obtain the object 
of their visit by peaceful means, they felt they were forced to re¬ 
sort to force. Saying this they withdrew and proceeded to their 
headquarters in Anahuac. The balance of the day and the night 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


167 


following was passed quietly with the exception of the exchange 
of a few shots between the Texans and Bradburn’s pickets. The 
next day was spent by the Texans in reconnoitering and exam¬ 
ining the approach to the fort south of the town of Anahuac. 
The Texans were laying plans to make an assault on the fort, 
and excitement ran high. The Texan troops were impatiently 
waiting instructions to make the assault. But on the third day 
Colonel Suverano and Judge John A. Williams approached the 
Texans’ headquarters, under a flag of truce, and asked for a 
conference. They were received by the Texans and Judge Wil¬ 
liams informed them that Bradburn desired a conference, and 
added that he thought that an amicable agreement could be 
reached without a resort to an armed conflict. Judge Williams 
offered his services in bringing about a satisfactory adjustment 
of the trouble. He informed them, too, that Colonel Suverano 
was Bradburn’s successor, although he had not assumed com¬ 
mand. Suverano confirmed this statement and recommended 
that a commission be appointed to treat with Bradburn. This 
proposition was strictly opposed by some of the leaders among 
the Texans. But this course was finally agreed upon, and Cap¬ 
tain John Austin, Captain Wiley Martin and Colonel W. D. C. 
Hall, were appointed to meet a like commission to be appointed 
by Bradburn. Bradburn’s commissioners were Judge Williams 
and two of his staff officers. 

Quite a lengthy conference w^as held between the commission¬ 
ers who met at Bradburn’s army headquarters. At the con¬ 
clusion of the conference the following terms were agreed upon: 

“First, that the Mexican cavalrymen held as prisoners by the 
Texans should be released. 

“Second, that the Texans should retire to Turtle Bayou, but 
that they should leave a commission to receive the imprisoned 
citizens who were to be delivered to them the following day.” 

When the Texan commissioners returned to their headquarters 
and reported the result of the conference and agreement reached, 
serious objections were made to the second provision of the agree¬ 
ment. A general muster was ordered and the objections were 


168 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


heard. Captain Martin, however, assured the Texans that all 
would be well as “ no man wearing epaulets would dare to forfeit 
his plighted word of honor. ’ ’ The agreement was finally ratified 
and the Texans immediately retired to Turtle Bayou, to await 
developments, leaving the commissioners to receive the impris¬ 
oned Texans as agreed-upon. 

The next morning firing was heard in the direction of Ana- 
huac, and soon thereafter messengers arrived at the Texans’ 
camp and informed them that Bradburn had refused to comply 
with the terms agreed “upon and had moved out to attack the 
commissioners and citizens at Anahuac. It developed later that 
Bradburn had marched out of the fort in full force, with cavalry 
and artillery, and fired upon the town and that the commission¬ 
ers left to receive the imprisoned Texans retreated toward Turtle 
Bayou. 

The Texans were at once called to arms to march to the relief 
of the commissioners and the citizens of Anahuac. What next 
to do was a puzzling problem. A general muster was ordered, 
and the subject presented for consideration and action. A com¬ 
mittee was appointed to draw up a preamble and resolution set¬ 
ting forth the causes which compelled them to take up arms and 
to express devotion to the constitution of 1824, and their support 
of Santa Anna, who had taken up arms against Bustamente’s 
despotism. The committee reported a set of resolutions which 
were enthusiastically adopted. These resolutions are known in 
history as the “Turtle Bayou Resolutions” and were as follows: 

‘ ‘ The colonists of Texas have long been convinced of the arbi¬ 
trary and unconstitutional measures of the administration of 
Bustamente; as evinced 

First: By their repeated violations of the constitution and 
laws and the total disregard of the civil and political rights of 
the people. 

Second: By their fixing and establishing among'us in the 
time of peace, military posts, the officers of which, totally dis¬ 
regarding the local civil authorities of the State, have committed 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


169 


various acts evincing opposition to the true interest of the people 
in the enjoyment of civil liberty. 

Third: By arresting the commissioners, especial^ «Tuan Fran¬ 
cisco Madero, who, on the part of the State government, was to 
put the inhabitants east of Trinity River in possession of other 
lands, in conformity with the laws of colonization. 

Fourth: By the imposition of military force, preventing the 
Alcalde of the jurisdiction of Liberty from the exercise of his 
constitutional functions. 

Fifth: By the appointing to the revenue department men 
whose principles are avowedly to the true interest of the people 
of Texas; and that, too, when their character for infamy had 
been repeatedly established. 

Sixth: By the military commandant of Anahuac advising and 
procuring servants to quit the service of their masters, and of¬ 
fering them protection; causing them to labor for his benefits, 
and refusing to compensate them for the same. 

Seventh: By imprisonment of our citizens without lawful 
cause; and claiming the right of trying said citizens by a mili¬ 
tary court for offense of a character cognizable by the civil au¬ 
thority alone. 

Resolved: That we view with feelings of the deepest regret, 
the manner in which the government of the Republic of Mexico 
is administered by the present dynasty. The repeated violation 
of the constitution; the total disregard of the laws; the entire 
prostration of the civil power, are grievances of such character 
as to arouse the feelings of every freeman, and impel him to 
resistance. 

Resolved: That we view with feelings of deepest interest and 
solicitude, the firm and manly resistance which is made by those 
patriots under the highly and distinguished chieftain Santa 
Anna, to the numerous encroachments and infractions which 
have been made by the present administration upon the laws 
and constitution of our beloved and adopted country. 

Resolved: That as freemen devoted to a correct interpretation 
and enforcement of the constitution and laws, according to their 


170 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


true spirit, we pledge our lives and fortunes in support of the 
same, and of those distinguished leaders who are gallantly fight¬ 
ing in defense of civil liberty. 

Resolved. That all the people of Texas be united to co-operate 
with us, in support of the principles incorporated in the forego¬ 
ing resolutions.” 

In addition to the adoption of the preamble and resolutions, 
the colonists resolved to send to Brazoria for artillery and am¬ 
munition. Captains John Austin and William J. Russell, both 
citizens of the Municipality of Brazoria, were appointed to per¬ 
form the mission. Couriers were also sent to the settlements on 
the Sabine and Neches Rivers, and their co-operation solicited. 
The citizens of these settlements responded promptly and joined 
the Texan forces. Scouts were sent out to watch the movements 
of Bradburn who had made a requisition on Colonel Piedras at 
Nacogdoches for troops. Piedras complied with Bradburn’s re¬ 
quest and personally led a force of about one hundred men. He 
started on his march to Anahuac. The first intimation the Tex¬ 
ans had of Piedras’ movements was when two officers arrived 
at the Texans’ picket line and requested an interview with the 
Texan commander. A messenger was dispatched to the Texans’ 
headquarters advising of Piedras’ desire for a conference. Cap¬ 
tain Johnson met the two officers and explained to them the 
causes which impelled the colonists to take up arms. The officers 
asked for a further conference. Captain Johnson agreed on a 
conference to take place at Piedras ’ camp near Liberty, two days 
hence. On the day appointed for the interview with Colonel 
Piedras, Captain Johnson, accompanied by Captain Randall 
J ones and J ames Lindsey, as commissioners, and Captain Francis 
Adams as interpreter, repaired to Colonel Piedras’ camp. They 
were courteously received. Captain Johnson gave Colonel Pied¬ 
ras a detailed account of the lawless acts of Bradburn which had 
impelled the colonists to resist his rule. Colonel Piedras gave 
close attention to Captain Johnson’s statement and appeared 
surprised and annoyed on learning of Bradburn’s conduct. Pied¬ 
ras condemned Bradburn’s course in very emphatic language. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


171 


but advised the Texans that he was an inferior officer and could 
not comply with their request to release the Texans held as pris¬ 
oners by Bradburn. 

While the conference with Colonel Piedras was in progress, 
a courier arrived from Nacogdoches with mail for Colonel Pied¬ 
ras who asked to be excused until he could examine his mail. 
He hurriedly opened his mail, one letter of which he read with 
amusing interest. Regarding this Captain Johnson said: “While 
reading this letter his countenance brightened, and he said: ‘I 
have good news, gentlemen. This document is from the Secre¬ 
tary of War and Marine, by which he informs me that I have 
been promoted, and I now rank with Colonel Bradburn, and 
will cheerfully deliver the citizen prisoners to the Alcalde at 
Liberty.” Coffee and cake were served and a spirit of good fel¬ 
lowship prevailed. Colonel Piedras informed the,Texans that 
he would accompany them to the home of his old friend. Captain 
Orr, where he would spend the night, and next day proceed to 
Anahuac, arrest Bradburn, and deliver the prisoners to the Al¬ 
calde. Captain Orr’s residence was situated two miles above the 
Texans’ camp. Here Colonel Piedras spent the night, being ac¬ 
companied by H. B. Johnson, the Alcalde of Liberty. As they 
passed by the Texans’ camp the next morning, the Texas troops 
were formed into line to receive them, and saluted them as they 
passed on their way to Anahuac, which place they reached in 
the afternoon. Immediately after reaching Anahuac, Colonel 
Piedras had Bradburn arrested and released the Texan prisoners 
and gave them the freedom of the fort. Bradburn was put under 
guard, but late at night he effected his escape and made his way 
to New Orleans, from which place he sailed to Vera Cruz. The 
news of Bradburn’s escape created excitement for a time. The 
occasion of the excitement came from the free movement of 
troops through the town searching for Bradburn. 

The following day Colonel Piedras delivered the released 
Texan prisoners to the civil authorities of Liberty. 

Thus having accomplished the object sought, the colonists 
were disbanded and returned to their homes. 


172 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


This tragic event in Texas history should not be dismissed 
without referring to the dramatic scene at Velasco which is so 
closely identified with the disturbance at Anahuac that it can¬ 
not, in justice to history, be omitted from this chapter. The Ve¬ 
lasco episode was the direct result of the organization of the 
Texas forces to right the wrongs committed by Bradburn at 
Anahuac. 

It will be recalled that Captains John Austin and William J. 
Russell were instructed to proceed to Brazoria for the purpose 
of securing and transferring to Anahuac, artillery and ammuni¬ 
tion for the use of the Texans. On reaching Brazoria, Captain 
Austin proceeded to Fort Velasco to inform the commander at 
that place, Colonel Ugartechea, of what had transpired at Ana¬ 
huac and that he had returned to Brazoria for artillery and am¬ 
munition which were to be transported by water to Anahuac. 
He inquired of Colonel Ugartechea if he would allow the vessel 
selected for this purpose to pass out of the port. Colonel Ugar¬ 
techea informed him that he could not allow any vessel bearing 
artillerymen or ammunition to pass the fort, and added, ‘ ‘ I have 
received orders from my superior officer. Colonel Bradburn, 
not to permit any vessel with men, arms or ammunition destined 
for Anahuac, to pass this fort, and I must obey these in¬ 
structions. ’ ’ 

Captain Austin accepted the statement of Colonel Ugar¬ 
techea as final and at once returned to Brazoria. Here he called 
a meeting of the citizens of that town and vicinity to whom he 
reported the result of his interview with Ugartechea. After a 
full discussion of the whole matter, the citizens resolved that 
they would attempt to transport the artillery and ammunition 
to Anahuac, even if it became necessary to attack the fort in 
order to do so. A call for volunteers was made for the purpose 
of carrying out their plans. The citizens responded promptly 
and two forces were organized, one to be known as the land force 
and one to be known as the water force. The schooner Brazoria, 
then lying at the wharf at Brazoria, was pressed into service, 
mounted and armed. This vessel was the property of Captain 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


173 


Rowland, a citizen of the United States. The artillery at Bra¬ 
zoria—three small pieces of cannon—were placed on the vessel 
along with the vessel’s own cannon. Captain Russell was placed 
in command of the schooner, and Captain Austin of the land 
forces. Everything being ready, the two forces proceeded down 
the Brazos toward Velasco. They came together two miles above 
the fort where* the officers agreed upon a plan of attack. The 
plan and structure of the fort was understood by the Texans. 
This enabled them to make the attack in a manner that offered 
the least danger to the lines of the attacking forces. 

The final assault was made early in the morning of June 26. 
It lasted practically all day and the following night. On the 
morning of the 27th a white flag was hoisted in the fort. Ugar- 
techea had yielded to the Texans. Terms of capitulation were 
soon agreed upon and the garrison permitted to return to Mexico. 

Previous to any warlike demonstration against Fort Velasco, 
Ugartechea was given an opportunity to declare in favor of the 
plan of Vera Cruz, headed by Santa Anna. This he declined 
to do. 

After the downfall of Bradburn and Ugartechea the Texans 
determined to drive from the State the last of Bustamente’s 
military leaders. Early in August, Colonel Piedras at Nacog¬ 
doches, was called upon and given an opportunity to declare for 
Santa Anna. This he refused to do and was likewise attacked 
and driven from the State. 

Thus the trouble beginning at Anahuac in June, 1832, was 
followed by the driving from Texas all of Bustamente’s adher¬ 
ents and leaders. 



J 




THE BATTLE OF GONZALES 
The Beginning of the Texas Revolution. 

Mexicans Demand Return of Cannon—Texans Refused — Mexi¬ 
cans Threatened to Take Cannon hy Force—Texans Cross the 
River and Attack the Mexicans—Mexicans Flee to San Antonio 
—Texans Select Stephen F. Austin, Commander—March Against 
San Antonio, 

The city of Gonzales is often referred to as the “Lexington 
of Texas.” Here was fought the first battle between the Texans 
and Mexicans after the Anglo-American colonists had reached 
a decision to resist Mexican misrule. The engagements at Ana- 
huac and Velasco took place while the Anglo-American colonists 
recognized themselves as subjects of Mexican rule and, therefore, 
were not for freedom from Mexican control. When Santa Anna 
sent an army of occupancy to Texas, however, it was regarded 
as a declaration of war, and the colonists resented it. 

The Battle of Gonzales was precipitated when General Ugar- 
techea sent.Lieutenant Castaneda to Gonzales at the head of one 
hundred dragoons to demand the return of a cannon loaned to 
DeWitt by Ramon Musquiz, political chief of Bexar, to be used 
to protect the colonists against the Indians. Ugartechea claimed 
that the cannon was needed at Bexar. But the colonists at Gon¬ 
zales knew that there were eighteen pieces of unmounted cannon 
at Bexar besides those mounted, and that the demand for the 
return of this piece was but the beginning of a plan to disarm 
the colonists. Lieutenant Castaneda and his dragoons appeared 
at the river bank opposite Gonzales and demanded the return 
of the cannon. The citizens informed Castadena that they would 
not give up the cannon as it was still needed to protect the colo¬ 
nists. That night the cannon was buried on the farm of George 
W. Davis. The ground was plowed and smoothed over it. 

Castaneda reached the river opposite Gonzales September 29, 
1835, and at once made a personal demand for the return of 
the cannon. He went to the river for the purpose of crossing 
over to Gonzales, but he found the ferries on the Gonzales side, 
and he could not cross at that point. He was informed that the 
Alcalde was absent and that they could not comply with his de- 


176 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


mand during his absence. Castaneda urged the committee rep¬ 
resenting the citizens of Gonzales to cross over the river for a 
conference but this they refused to do, nor would they permit 
him to cross to Gonzales. The rejidor read to Castaneda from 
across the stream the following communication: ‘ ‘ In the absence 
of the Alcalde, it has fallen to my lot to reply to the communi¬ 
cation sent to him a second time demanding the return of the 
cannon. The right of consulting our political chief seems to be 
denied us. Therefore, my reply reduces itself to this: I cannot, 
nor do I desire to deliver up the cannon—and this seems to be 
the sentiment of all the members of the ayuntiemento now pres¬ 
ent. The cannon is in the town and only through force will it 
be given up. We are weak and few in number, nevertheless we 
are contending for what we believe to be just principles.^’ 

This reply to Castaneda was delivered by Joseph D. Clements, 
rejidor, the morning following Castaneda’s arrival on September 
29. In the meantime the citizens had begun to arrive at Gonzales 
for the purpose of resisting an effort to recover the cannon. The 
cannon was unearthed and mounted on a broad tired wagon by 
Messrs. Dart, Sowell and Chisholm. Sowell and Chisholm were 
both blacksmiths and prepared shot for it by cutting up pieces 
of chain and forging iron balls out of such scraps of iron as they 
could procure. 

When Castaneda realized that the cannon would not be de¬ 
livered peacefully, he began to move his force up the river. The 
Texans, suspecting that Castaneda’s object was either to await 
reinforcements or to cross the river and attack the town, de¬ 
termined not to wait; so on the night of Ociober 1 they crossed 
the river, carrying with them the cannon. On reaching the op¬ 
posite side, they held a council of war and listened to a patriotic 
address by Rev. W. P. Smith, a Methodist minister, from Rueter- 
ville, who had gone to Gonzales to aid the citizens in the case 
of an attack by the Mexicans. They moved up the river in search 
of Castaneda’s camp, and at once prepared for action, when 
on October 2, at about four o’clock in the morning they located 
the camp of Castaneda. The mounted men were placed in front 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


177 


of the cannon; on either side was a determinevi detachment of 
footmen accompanied by flanks on the right and left. A small 
guard brought up the rear. In this order they quietly marched 
to the place they intended to occupy. Just as they reached it 
their advance guard was fired upon by the Mexican pickets, and 
one of the Texans was slightly wounded. The Mexicans at once 
formed. The two columns of Texan footmen deployed into line 
with the horsemen on the extreme right and the cannon in the 
center. A dense fog made it difficult for either side to move 
with advantage, and the Texans therefore kept their place until 
daylight. As soon as it was light enough to observe the position 
of the Mexicans, who occupied a commanding position on a 
slight eminence, the Texans advanced into the open prairie until 
within three hundred and fifty yards of the Mexicans, and 
opened fire. The Mexicans retreated and proposed a parley. 
Colonel Moore, the commander of the Texans, advanced to meet 
Castaneda in full view of both forces. Castenada inquired of 
Colonel Moore why the Mexicans had been attacked. Colonel 
Moore advised him that he (Castaneda) had demanded the re¬ 
turn of the cannon and had threatened force in the case of its 
refusal, and the Texans did not propose to wait until the Mex¬ 
icans secured reinforcements sufficient to force their demands. 
Castaneda assured the colonel that it was not his intention to 
give battle to the Texans, but to report to his commander and 
await orders. Moore then demanded that he surrender with his 
entire force. Castaneda replied that he must obey orders. The 
interview came to an abrupt close and the two leaders returned 
to their commands. After a brief conference with his men. Col¬ 
onel Moore renewed the attack upon the dragoons. The Mexicans 
threw aside their encumbrances and fled in great confusion with 
the loss of one man killed. The Texans returned to Gonzales 
where the people were awaiting with anxiety to learn the result 
of the skirmish with the Mexicans. 

Castaneda fled to Bexar (San Antonio) and reported to Gen¬ 
eral Ugartechea the result of his visit to Gonzales. On October 
6 a messenger reached Gonzales with information that Ugar- 


178 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


techea was on the march to Gonzales with five hundred well- 
equipped troops for the purpose of recovering the cannon. In 
the meantime volunteers continued to assemble at Gonzales, and 
the rumor of its invasion spread thick and fast. A meeting of 
the assembled citizens was held, and Stephen F. Austin was 
urged to go to Gonzales and head the citizen army assembling 
for the purpose of defense, and to go to the rescue of localities 
being threatened by the Mexican’s invading army. The commun¬ 
ication addressed to Austin was signed by Peter W. Grayson, 
Patrick C. Jack, J. W. Fannin, Thos. Gazley, J. W. E. Wallace, 
John J. Linn, S. R. Mills, and A. Pollard. Without waiting for 
an answer from Mr. Austin, a council of war was held and the 
troops temporarily organized. It was decided that the best plan 
would be to attack San Antonio, and thus prevent Gonzales from 
becoming the battle ground. To carry out such a plan a new 
and permanent military organization was necessary, and steps 
were being taken to elect a commander-in-chief to lead them. 
The hour for assembling and electing a commander was fixed 
at four p. m. on October 11. Great excitement existed. TRe men 
composing the proposed army were mostly strangers to each 
other, and those from each community had a candidate to pre¬ 
sent. Feeling ran high and it seemed that there would be trouble 
in holding the forces together. While the wrangling was at its 
height, Mr. Austin arrived from San Felipe, tired and worn, but 
ready for any emergency. All factions at once became quiet and 
rallied around him for commander-in-chief of the army. He at 
once assumed command and immediately began the organization 
of the forces. He appointed W. T. Austin his aide, and Rev. W; 
P. Smith, surgeon-general. On the morning of October 12 the 
troops began to cross the Guadalupe River, and on the 13th they 
took up the line of march to San Antonio. 

It was the beginning of a vigorous campaign to drive the Mex¬ 
ican invaders from Texas soil. The result of this campaign was 
the capture of San Antonio, and the expulsion of the Mexican 
troops from Texas in the fall of 1835, and may be regarded as 
the real events which lead up to the Texas Revolution. 


RECONCILIATION OF STEPHEN F. AUSTIN AND 
WILLIAM H. WHARTON 

A Tragic Event in Texas History Which Shaped the 
Destiny of the Texas Republic. 

Stephen F. Austin and William H. Wharton exerted a talis- 
manic influence in the early days of the Texas colonies, and when 
these two leaders became personal enemies it was a matter of 
great regret among their personal friends and admirers. 

We shall not discuss here the causes which brought about their 
estrangement. Colonel Wharton doubtless felt that he had suf¬ 
ficient provocation to justify him in the course he pursued 
against Colonel Austin. But as these two distinguished patriots 
were laboring to attain the same end their friends deplored the 
unfortunate disagreement between them and sought a reconcilia¬ 
tion. But not until the safety and security of the colonies were 
jeopardized was it accomplished. 

Many of those who participated in the affairs of the colonies 
recognized that the enmity existing between Colonels Austin and 
Wharton was a hindrance to harmony, and an orderly prosecu¬ 
tion of the programme mapped out by the colonists against the 
military despotism of the Mexican government. They both had 
a strong following and their influence over them was overwhelm¬ 
ing. There was a discordant element that encouraged the widen¬ 
ing of the breach between them. It was this that prompted the 
best and most patriotic citizens of the country to feel alarmed 
over the threatened outbreak, and to earnestly entreat their clos¬ 
est friends to bring about a termination of their differences. The 
colonies were facing a serious problem, that of protecting them¬ 
selves against the further militaryj,Mespotism of the Mexican 
government, and they recognized the importance of a united 
people to bring success to their efforts to thwart the designs of 
the Mexicans. As time passed and the approach of the evil day 
was near, it became apparent to all that all factions should unite 
in a common cause. 

The first gun of the revolution had been fired at Gonzales and 


180 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


troops were hastening to that place. It was then that these two 
patriots laid aside their personal grievances to further the cause 
of freemen. Just how the reconciliation between Colonels Aus¬ 
tin and Wharton was consummated we will let one of the prime 
agents of the affair tell his own story. It is that of Captain Wil¬ 
liam J. Russell as told in 1874, thirty-eight years after its oc¬ 
currence. Here is his story: “Early in the month of October, 
1835, and but a day or two previous to the organization of the 
volunteer army of Texas, at Gonzales, the writer in company 
with William H. Wharton and William G. Hill, arrived at that 
place a short time after dark, and seeing a glimmering light in 
an old-fashioned double-logged cabin, we rode to it. I dismounted 
and entered the house, and much to my gratification, found Mr. 
Pleasant D. McNeil, of Brazoria. I at once asked him the news. 
He replied: ‘I fear we are to have trouble. There are several 
gentlemen here (and he named them), each of whom has been, 
and is, aspiring to the chief command of the army; each one has 
his squad of friends, but neither seem able to harmonize the ma¬ 
jority; so that a few days ago it was agreed to send an express 
to San Felipe for Colonel Stephen F. Austin, with the hope 
than sooner than abandon the contemplated and cherished ob¬ 
ject of driving the garrison from San Antonio, all should unite 
on him, and, said he in conclusion. Colonel Austin reached here 
a short time since, very much fatigued, and is in the next room 
lying down.’ I asked for nothing more, but without ceremony 
entered the room where Colonel Austin was and found him ly¬ 
ing on his blanket with an inch of candle, stuck in a chip, by his 
side, evidently in feeble health. He greeted me cordially and 
prepared a seat for me on the side of his blanket. I accepted and 
he related to me in a few words what he understood to be the 
condition of matters, and with much feeling expressed fear that 
he would be unable to reconcile existing difficulties; that it was 
well known to all that he knew nothing practically about mili¬ 
tary matters; that there were men of influence whose feelings 
he regretted to say, were so bitter toward him that he greatly 
feared they would never consent to abandon their ambitious 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


181 


views for the purpose of harmonizing any difficulties by uniting 
on him. 

“Just then he recognized the voice, as he thought, of Mr. 
Wharton in the next room, and asked me if he were there. I 
told him he was; that we came together. He then spoke of Mr. 
Wharton as one of the men of ability and influence whose feel¬ 
ings toward him were very bitter, than whom there was not a 
man who would use greater exertions to defeat any effort to 
unite on him, without reference to the object to be accomplished 
thereby. He then came to a pause, evidently to have my opinion 
to what he had expressed, for he well knew that the personal 
relations between Mr. Wharton and myself were of the most cor¬ 
dial nature. I said to him: ‘Colonel Austin, both Mr. Wharton 
and yourself are sensible and patriotic men and it will not do 
for the feelings to which you refer, and which I understand, to 
militate against the public good; we have too much at stake; 
this must be settled, at least for the present.’ He sprang from 
his blanket and, greatly excited, grasped me by the hand and 
asked if I thought Mr. Wharton would listen to an advance of 
that nature coming from him. I told him I had no doubt of it; 
if he did not I shall tell him plainly he was not the man I be¬ 
lieved him to be. With a lip quivering with emotion, still hold¬ 
ing my hand, he said: ‘ Captain Russell, all I have and all I am, 
except my personal honor, which at all hazards must be saved, 
belong to Texas, my own dear Texas. Go then as a messenger of 
peace, and with the solitary reservation of my personal honor, 
make any pledge in my name that may be necessary to secure the 
object, and I will endorse it.’ I left him, passed to the room 
where I left Mr. McNeill, and found that Mr. Wharton and Mr. 
Hill had entered the room. I asked Mr. Wharton out in the yard 
and told him I had a message for him, and enjoined silence on 
his part until the message was delivered in full. When I had con¬ 
cluded the message which, in brief, I appended my own views, 
the first words uttered by Mr. Wharton were; ‘Great God! is 
it possible for that man to entertain sentiments so elevated? 
From my heart I honor him. Return to him; tell him anything 


182 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


for me you may deem necessary. We all have the same great 
object in view, and no man shall excel me in the performance 
of any duty deemed necessary to accomplish our purpose.’ I 
understood the impulsive nature of Mr. Wharton well, and be¬ 
fore leaving him said; ‘Mr. Wharton, perhaps no man knows 
better than myself that occasionally there are feelings enter¬ 
tained, or lurking in the breast of men, which silence best, and 
it may be which silence only, can express. I therefore deem it 
proper to stipulate that you return to the room from whence you 
came. I will go for Colonel Austin, take him to the room—that 
you meet, take each other by the right hand, and not a word to 
be uttered by either of you until the silence be broken by others 
present.” I proceeded for Colonel Austin, told him how they 
were to meet, and conducted him to the room where they met 
with a silent grasp of the hand, encircled by William G. Hill, 
Pleasant D. McNeil and William J. Russell, with the servants 
of Colonel Austin and Wharton and William J. Russell, named 
respectively, Isam, Abraham and John, as lookers-on. Here in¬ 
deed was exhibited a tableau upon which I have often thought 
an angel might have looked with approval. Of the eight per¬ 
sons above named, the writer is the only survivor; and although 
he has often thought of giving the incident to the public, it is 
quite likely that it would be delayed until he, too, had passed 
away, but for the suggestion of some friends, who being apprised 
of it insisted that it be given to the public. 

There are those still living of that comparatively small band 
of patriot brothers, some of whom have said to the writer within 
the past week, that but for the personal reconciliation above de¬ 
scribed, there would have been no organization of the army at 
that time; and had that happened, no one could say what disas¬ 
trous consequences might have followed. If this opinion is cor¬ 
rect, it furnishes but another in the long and interesting cata¬ 
logue of incidents with which the true history of Texas is full, 
and which, though of but apparent trifling importance at the 
time, have developed into result. 

“1 may be permitted to add that my acquaintance with Gen- 


B.OMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 183 

eral Stephen F. Austin dated back to 1828, and I am clearly of 
the opinion that his true character has never, in general, been 
fully understood, nor properly appreciated; and hence, not only 
his memory, but the true history of Texas, has suffered and will 
continue to suffer to a greater or less degree.’^ 

The meeting of Colonels Austin and Wharton present a scene 
full of pathos. It was the midnight hour. The little log cabin 
was but dimly lighted, but within its walls was being enacted a 
scene that foretold the destiny of a nation. It was just such per¬ 
sonal sacrifices as this that enabled the Texas colonists to resist 
the onrushing tide of Mexican cavalry, and put to flight the 
trained and seasoned troops of Santa Anna. Colonel Austin 
and Wharton realized the urgent necessity for unity of action 
and laid aside their personal grievances that victory may crown 
the little Texas army then forming. The call for unity was 
urgent; the enemy must be struck before he formed his line of 
battle. The success of the Texans depended upon the vigilance 
and faithfulness of the leaders and it was of inexpressible im¬ 
portance that these leaders labor in perfect harmony. 

The self-sacrifice and patriotism displayed by Colonels Austin 
and Wharton have few equals in history. When they grasped each 
others hands and looked into each others eyes, words were not 
spoken, but tears dimmed their sight and wetted their cheeks. 
Words were inadequate to express their joy. These things told 
the story more forceful than words. Tomorrow a commander 
was to be chosen to lead this little band of volunteers to the 
fortress of the enemy. It was not a time for rivalry. When the 
next day’s sun rose over the little camp at Gonzales, the clouds 
of discord were dispelled and with one voice Colonel Austin was 
proclaimed commander to lead the gallant volunteers to victory. 
There was no strife, there was no withholding of confidence. The 
scene of the previous night had settled all controversy, all con¬ 
flict, because it had been made known to the little band of volun¬ 
teers that Colonel Wharton had pledged his support to Colonel 
Austin. All ambitious rivals for leadership withdrew and joined 
the ranks which soon marched to Bexar and victory. 






1 














THE BATTLE OP CONCEPCION 


AND 

Capture of San Antonio, 1835. 

Events Leading up to These Events—Volunteeer Army Organ¬ 
ized at Gonzales—Austin Chosen Commander—Army Marches to 
San Antonio—The Mexicans Attack the Texans at Mission Con¬ 
cepcion—A Battle Follows—Texans Establish Camp Near San 
Antonio—Austin Resigns as Commander—Burleson Succeeds 
Him—Council of War—Milam Calls for Volunteers to Take San 
Antonio—Texans Are Victorious—General Cos Capitulates — 
Terms of Surrender — Johnson*s Report of the Battle and Cap¬ 
ture of San Antonio. 

Among the most brilliant military achievements of the Texans 
during the Texas Revolution against Mexico were the Battle of 
Concepcion and the capture of San Antonio in December, 1835. 
This was a severe blow to Santa Anna's military programme to 
conquer the Texas colonists and fired the martial spirit of the 
Texans. General Cos, the Mexican commander at San Antonio, 
was a brother-in-law of Santa Anna's, and he regarded him 
highly as a brave and accomplished commander. Cos’ defeat and 
humiliation greatly annoyed Santa Anna. It served to put him 
on notice that he had assumed a herculean task when he under¬ 
took to force the Texans to bow down to his military despotism. 
But later, flushed by victory at San Patricio, Goliad and the 
Alamo, he forgot the impressions made upon him when Cos told 
him of the Texans' prowess at San Antonio. But the Texans 
never forgot. 

The arrival in Texas of General Cos with his army was looked 
upon by the Texans as a military act unfriendly to them, al¬ 
though General Cos had issued a statement from Matamoras in 
which he said that the Mexican government had no motive other 
than one of peaceful garrisoning of the forts to maintain the 
peace and security of the inhabitants of the State. But when it 
was learned that General Cos had landed at Copano with four 
hundred armed and equipped troops, great excitement was at 


186 


KOMANCE AND TKAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


once created and, as was said by F. W. Johnson, “The porten¬ 
tous cloud of war thickened.” To carry out the plan to disarm 
the citizens of Texas an order came to Gonzales demanding the 
return of a cannon Avhich had been loaned the citizens of Gon¬ 
zales to protect that community against Indians. The demand 
was refused and Lieutenant Castaneda, who delivered the mes¬ 
sage, was driven from the country. {See Battle of Gonzales.) 
The little volunteer army which assembled at Gonzales to defend 
the cannon, grew in numbers and importance. Realizing that 
war was inevitable, the leaders concluded to march against San 
Antonio and drive Cos and his troops from the State. Just what 
happened at Gonzales is told in another part of this book. 

Stephen F. Austin was chosen to lead the little army of Texan 
volunteers against Cos at San Antonio. On October 12 the army 
started on its march. Austin halted on the Salado and took a 
strong position to Avait reinforcements. While here the little 
Texan army had several skirmishes with Cos’ cavalry. Austin 
was anxious to move on to attack Cos, but he realized that since 
his arrival in San Antonio, October 9, that he had lost no time in 
fortifying the place against siege. 

After a short stay at Salado, Austin marched his army to Mis¬ 
sion Concepcion Espada, several miles below San Antonio. Here 
he struck camp. But he soon realized that a position nearer San 
Antonio should be selected for permanent headquarters. He 
therefore dispatched two companies under Captains J. W. Fan¬ 
nin and AndreAA^ Briscoe, commanded by Colonel James Bowie, 
to examine the missions above with the view of selecting a po¬ 
sition for permanent headquarters. On October 27 they set out 
to obey the orders of Colonel Austin. They carefully examined 
the several missions above and selected a location near Mission 
La Purissema Concepcion, in the bend of the San Antonio River. 
Here Colonel Bowie camped for the night. In the meantime Cos’ 
cavalry discovered the camp of the Texans, and on the morning 
of October 28 the Texans were attacked by the Mexicans and a 
fierce battle took place in which the Texans were victorious. 
This battle is known in history as the Battle of Concepcion. In 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


187 


this battle fell Richard Andrews, who was the first Texan killed 
in the Texan war against Mexico. 

From an official report of the Battle of Concepcion I am quot¬ 
ing the following: “The night passed quietly without the least 
alarm, and at the dawn of day every object was obscured by a 
heavy, dense fog, which entirely prevented our guard, on look¬ 
out from the mission, seeing the approach of the enemy. 

“About half an hour by sun, an advance guard of Mexican 
cavalry rode up on our line and fired upon a sentinel who had 
just been relieved and who returned the fire, causing one pla¬ 
toon to retire; but another charged upon him (Henry W. Karnes) 
and he discharged his pistol at them which had the effect of 
checking them. 

‘ ‘ Our men were called to arms, but were for some time unable 
to discover their foe who had entirely surrounded our positions 
and kept up a constant firing with no effect other than a waste 
of ammunition on their part. When the fog rose it was apparent 
that we were surrounded and a desperate fight was inevitable, 
and all communications with the main army cut off. Immediate 
preparation was made by extending our right flank (first di¬ 
vision) to the south, and placing the second division on the left, 
on the same side so that they might be able to rake the enemy 
should they charge in to the angle, and prevent the effects of 
a cross-fire of our own men; and at the same time be in a com¬ 
pact body contiguous to each other that either might reinforce 
the other, at the shortest notice without crossing the angle, in 
an exposed and uncovered position where certain loss must have 
been uncovered. The men, in the meantime, were ordered to 
clear away bushes and vines, under the hill and along the mar¬ 
gin, and at steepest places to cut steps for footholds, in order 
to afford them space to form and pass, and at suitable places to 
ascend the bluff, discharge their rifles and fall back to reload. 
The work was not completed to our wish before the infantry 
were seen to advance, with arms trailed, to the right of the first 
division, and from their line of battle at about two hundred yards 


188 


KOMANCE AND TEAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTOEY 


distance from the right flank. Five companies of their cavalry 
supported them, covering our whole front and flanks. 

‘^In this manner the engagement commenced at eight o’clock 
a. m., Wednesday, October 28, 1835, by the deadly crack of a 
rifle from the extreme right. The engagement was immediately 
general. The discharge from the enemy was one continued blaze 
of fire, whilst that from our lines was more slowly delivered, but 
with good aim and deadly effect, each man retiring under cover 
of the hill and timber to give place to others whilst he reloaded. 
The battle had not lasted more than ten minutes before the brass 
double-fortified four-pounder was opened on our line, with a 
heavy discharge of grape and canister, at the distance of about 
eighty yards from the right flank of the first division, and a 
charge sounded. But the cannon was cleared as if by magic and 
a check put to the charge. The same experiment was resorted to 
with like results three times, the division advancing under the 
hill at each fire, and thus approximately near the cannon and 
victory. ‘ The cannon and victory’ was truly the war cry, and 
they had only fired five times and it had been three times 
checked, and their charge as often broken, before a disorderly 
and precipitated retreat was* sounded, and most readily obeyed, 
leaving to the victors their cannon. 

‘ ‘ Thus a small detachment of ninety-two men gained a decisive 
victory over the main army of the Central Government; being at 
least four to one, with only the loss of one brave soldier, Richard 
Andrews, and none wounded, whilst the enemy suffered in killed 
and wounded near one hundred, from the best information we 
can obtain, which is entitled to credit, say sixty-seven killed, 
among them many promising officers. Not one man of the artil¬ 
lery escaped unhurt * * *. Had it been possible to communi¬ 
cate with you, and bring you up earlier, victory would have been 
decisive and Bexar ours before twelve o’clock.” 

Following this engagement Austin divided his force into two 
divisions, stationing one below the town while the other took a 
position a mile or two above the town. Bowie and Fannin were 
in command of the lower division and General Burleson of the 
upper. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 189 

On November 2 a council of war was held to decide whether an 
immediate assault should be made on the place. The officers of 
both divisions favored a siege and the union of all the forces 
under one commander. The siege, however, was to be postponed 
until the arrival of a large cannon and reinforcements which 
were expected daily. The main force moved back to Mission Con¬ 
cepcion, leaving a small detachment at the upper camp at the 
“Old Mill.” 

On November 24 Austin informed his army that he was com¬ 
pelled to relinquish command as he was to proceed to the United 
States as one of the commissioners appointed by the consulta¬ 
tion. Before leaving he secured a pledge from the troops that 
they would remain in the army until San Antonio was rescued 
from the Mexicans. An election was held and General Edward 
Burleson was elected commander to succeed Austin. On Decem¬ 
ber 3 a council of war was held at General Burleson’s headquart¬ 
ers. This council concluded that the army should go into winter 
quarters at Goliad or Gonzales. This action created a condition 
almost equal to disbanding the army. On the fourth, while prep¬ 
arations were being made to retire from before San Antonio, a 
deserter from the Mexican army entered the Texans’ camp and 
on being taken to General Burleson’s headquarters, reported that 
the defense of the place was weak and that it could be taken 
easily. It was then that Benjamin R. Milam called out in a clear 
voice: “Who will go with old Ben Milam into San Antonio?” 
Many replied: “I will.” “Then fall into line,’’ replied Milam. 
The effect was electrical and a large number fell into line. Milam 
requested them to to meet him at the ‘ ‘ Old Mill ’ ’ at dark, where 
an organization would be perfected to attack the town. On as¬ 
sembling at the place appointed it was found that about three 
hundred men were willing to go with Milam. On organizing for 
the attack the force was divided into two divisions, the first 
under Milam, aided by Major R. C. Morris; the second under 
Colonel F. W. Johnson, aided by Colonels T. W. Austin and Dr. 
Grant. The first division was made up of companies led by Cap¬ 
tains York, Patton, Llewellyn, Crane, English and Landrum, 


190 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


with two pieces and fifteen artillerymen, commanded by Lieuten¬ 
ant-Colonel Franks. The second division w^as made up of the 
companies of Captains Cook, Swisher, Edwards, Alley, Duncan, 
Peacock, Breece and Placido Benavides. 

The two divisions took up the line of march just before day¬ 
light on December 5 and very soon began the attack. Just how 
the attack was made and conducted throughout the days and 
nights from the 5th to the 8th of December, inclusive, I am quot¬ 
ing the official reports of Colonel Johnson. This report gives an 
accurate account of this epoch-making battle and anything which 
I might add to it could not add to its value as a historical docu¬ 
ment, full of tragical interest. 

The following is Colonel Johnson’s report to his superior of¬ 
ficer, General Edward Burleson, who commanded the forces 
engaged in the storming of San Antonio, December 5 to 8, 1835: 
“To General Burleson, Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Vol¬ 
unteer Army of Texas: 

Sir: I have the honor to acquaint you that on the morning 
of the 5th instant, the volunteers for storming the city of Bexar, 
possessed by the troops of General Cos, entered the suburbs in 
two divisions under the command of Colonel Benjamin R. Milam 
—the first division, under his immediate command, aided by 
Major R. C. Morris, and the second under my command, aided 
by Colonels Grant and Austin and Adjutant Bristow. 

“The first division, consisting of the companies of Captains 
York, Patton, Llewellyn, Crane, English and Landrum, with two 
pieces and fifteen artillerymen, commanded by Lieutenant-Col¬ 
onel Pranks, took possession of the house of Don Antonio de la 
Garza. The second division, composed of the companies of Cap¬ 
tains Cook, Swisher, Edwards, Alley, Duncan, Peacock, Breece 
and Placido Benavides captured the house of Yeramendi. The 
last division was exposed for a short time to a very heavy fire 
of grape and musketry from the whole of the enemys’ line of 
fortifications, until the guns of the first division opened their 
fire, when the enemy’s attention was directed to both divisions. 
At 7 o’clock a heavy cannonading from the town was seconded 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 191 

by a well-directed fire from the Alamo, which for a time pre¬ 
vented the possibility of covering our lines, or effecting a safe 
communication between the two divisions. In consequence of 
the twelve-pounder having been dismounted, and the want of 
proper cover for the other gun, little execution was done by our 
artillery during the day. We were, therefore, reduced to a close 
and well-directed fire from our rifles which, notwithstanding 
the advantageous position of the enemy, obliged them to slacken 
their fire and several times to abandon their artillery within 
the range of our shot. Our losses during the day was one private 
killed, one colonel and one first lieutenant severely wounded. 
One colonel slightly wounded, three privates dangerously, six 
severely and three slightly. During the whole of the night the 
two divisions were occupied in strengthening their positions, 
opening trenches and effecting a safe communication, although 
exposed to a heavy cross fire from the enemy, which slackened 
toward morning. I may remark that the want of proper tools 
rendered this undertaking doubly arduous. At daylight of the 
6th, the enemy were observed to have occupied the tops of the 
houses in our front, where under cover of breastworks, they 
opened, through loopholes, a very brisk fire of small arms on our 
whole line, followed by a steady cannonading from the town, in 
front, and the Alamo on the left flank, with a few interruptions 
during the day. A detachment of Captain Crane’s company 
under Lieutenant W. McDonald, followed by others gallantly 
possessed themselves, under a severe fire, of the house to the 
right, and in advance of the first division, which considerably 
extended our line; while the rest of the army was occupied in 
returning the enemy’s fire and strengthening our trenches which 
enabled our artillery to do some execution and complete a safe 
communication from right to left. 

‘ ‘ Our loss this day amounted to three privates severely wounded 
and two slightly. During the night the fire from the enemy was 
inconsiderable and our people were occupied in making and fill¬ 
ing sandbags and otherwise strengthening our lines. At daylight 
on the 7th it was discovered that the enemy had, during the night 


192 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


previous, opened a trench on the Alamo side of the river, and on 
the left flank, as well as strengthening their battery on the cross 
street leading to the Alamo. From the first they opened a brisk 
fire of small arms, which was kept up until 11 o’clock, when 
they were silenced by our superior fire. About 12 o’clock, Henry 
Karnes, of Captain York’s company, exposed to a heavy fire 
from the enemy, gallantly advanced to a house in front of the 
first division, and with a crowbar forced an entrance, into which 
the whole of the company immediately followed him, and made 
a secure lodgment. In the evening, the enemy renewed a heavy 
fire from all the positions which could bear upon us; and at 
half past three, as our gallant commander. Colonel Milam, was 
passing into the yard of my position, he received a rifle shot in 
the head which caused his instant death; an irreparable loss at 
so critical a moment. Our casualties, otherwise, were only two 
privates slightly wounded. 

“ At a meeting of officers at 7 o ’clock, I was invested with the 
chief command, with IVIajor Robert C. Morris (late captain of 
the New Orleans Grays), as second. At 10 o’clock p. m.. Captains 
Llewellyn, English, Crane and Landrum, with their respective 
companies, forced their way into and took possession of the house 
of Don Jose Antonio Navarro, an advanced and important po¬ 
sition, close to the square. The fire of the enemy was interrupted 
and slack during the whole night, and the weather exceedingly 
cold and wet. 

“The morning of the 8th continued cold and wet, and but 
little firing on either side. At 9 o’clock the same companies who 
took possession of Don J. Antonio Navarro’s house, aided by a 
detachment of the Grays, advanced and occupied Zambrano’s 
Row, leading to the square, without any accident. The brave 
conduct on this occasion, of William Graham, of Cooke’s Com¬ 
pany of Grays, merits mention. A heavy fire of artillery and 
small arms was opened on this position by the enemy who dis¬ 
puted every inch of ground, and, after suffering a severe loss 
in officers and men, were obliged to retire from room to room, 
until last they evacuated the whole house. During this time our 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


193 


men were reinforced by a detachment from York’s company, 
under command of Lieutenant Gill. 

“The cannonading from the camp was exceedingly heavy from 
all quarters during the day, but did no essential damage. 

Our loss consisted of one captain seriously wounded, and two 
privates severely wounded. At 7 o’clock p. m., the party in Zam¬ 
brano’s Row were reinforced by Captains Swisher, Alley, Ed¬ 
wards and Duncan and their respective companies. 

This evening we had undoubted information of the arrival of 
a strong reinforcement to the enemy, under Colonel Ugartechea. 
At half past ten o’clock, p. m., Captains Cooke and Patton, with 
the company of New Orleans Grays and a company of Brazoria 
volunteers, forced their way into the priest’s house in the square, 
although exposed to the fire of a battery of three guns and a 
large body of musketeers. 

“Before this, however, the division was reinforced from the 
reserves by Captains Cheshire, Lewis and Sutherland, with their 
companies. 

“Immediately after we got possession of the priest’s house, the 
enemy opened a furious cannonade from all their batteries, ac¬ 
companied by incessant volleys of small arms, against every 
house in our possession and every part of our lines, which con¬ 
tinued unceasingly until half past six a. m., of the 8th, when they 
sent a flag of truce, with an intimation that they desired to 
capitulate. Commissioners were immediately named by both par¬ 
ties, and herewith I accompany you a copy of the terms agreed 
upon. 

‘ ‘ Our loss in this night attack consisted in one man only, Belden 
of the Grays, dangerously wounded while in the act of spiking 
a cannon. 

“To attempt to give you a faint idea of the intrepid conduct 
of the gallant citizens who formed the division under my com¬ 
mand, during the above period of attack, would be a task of no 
common nature, and far above the power of my pen. All behaved 
with the bravery peculiar to freemen, and with a decision be¬ 
coming the sacred cause of liberty. 


194 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


‘ ‘ To signalize every individual act of gallantry, where no indi¬ 
vidual was found wanting to himself or to his country, would be a 
useless and endless effort. Every man has merited my warmest ap¬ 
probation and deserves his country’s gratitude. 

‘'The memory of Colonel B. R. iMilam, the leader of this daring 
and successful attack, deserves to be cherished by every patri¬ 
otic bosom in Texas. 

‘ ‘ I feel indebted to the able assistance of Colonel Grant, severely 
wounded the first day, Colonel Austin, Majors Morris and 
Moore, Adjutant Bristow, Lieutenant-Colonel Franks of the 
artillery, and every captain—names already given—who entered 
with either division, from the morning of the 5th until the day 
of capitulation. 

‘' Dr. Cameron’s conduct, during the siege and treaty of capitu¬ 
lation, merits particular mention. The guides, Erastus Smith, 
Norwich, Arnold and John W. Smith, performed important serv¬ 
ice ; and I cannot conclude without expressing my thanks to the 
reserve under your command for such assistance as could be af¬ 
forded me during our most critical moments. 

‘ ‘ The period put to our present war by the fall of San Antonio 
de Bexar will, I trust, be attended with all the happy results 
to Texas which her warmest friends could desire. 

“I have the honor to subscribe myself your most obedient 
servant, F. W. Johnson, Col. Corn’d. 

A true eopy from the original. 

William T. Austin, Aid-de-Camp. ” 

Capitulation entered into by General Martin Perfecto De Cos, 
of the Permanent Troops, and General Edward Burleson, 
of the Colonial Troops of Texas. 

“Being desirous of preventing the further effusion of blood 
and the ravages of civil war, have agreed on the following stipu¬ 
lations : 

1st. That General Cos and his officers retire with their arms 
and private property into the interior of the republic under pa- 


KOMANGE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


195 


role of honor; and that they will not in any way oppose the re¬ 
establishment of the federal constitution of 1824. 

2d. That the one hundred infantry lately arrived with the con¬ 
victs, the remnant of the battalion of Morelos and the cavalry, 
retire with the general, taking their arras and ten rounds of 
cartridges for their muskets. 

3d. That the general take the convicts brought in by Colonel 
Ugartechea beyond the Rio Grande. 

4th. That it is discretionary with the troops to follow their 
general, remain, or go to such point as they may deem proper; 
but in case they should all or any of them separate, they are to 
have their arms, etc. 

5th. That all the public property, money, arms and munitions 
of war, be inventoried and delivered to General Burleson. 

6th. That all private property be restored to its proper owners. 

7th. That three officers of each army be appointed to make 
out the inventory and see that the terms of capitulation be car¬ 
ried into effect. 

8th. That three officers on the part of General Cos remain 
for the purpose of delivering over the said property, stores, etc. 

9th. That General Cos with his forces, for the present, occupy 
the Alamo, and General Burleson with his force occupy the town 
of Bexar, and that the soldiers of neither party pass to the other, 
armed. 

10th. General Cos shall, within six days from the date hereof, 
remove his force from the garrison he now occupies. 

11th. In addition to the arms before mentioned. General Cos 
shall be permitted to take with his force a four-pounder and ten 
pounds of powder and ball. 

12th. The officers appointed to make the inventory and deliv¬ 
ery of the stores, etc., shall enter upon the duties to which they 
have been appointed forthwith. 

13th. The citizens shall be protected in their persons and 
property. 

14th. General Burleson will furnish General Cos with such 
provisions as can be obtained, necessary for his troops to the Rio 
Grande, at the ordinary price of the country. 


196 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


15th. The ^sick and wounded of General Cos’ army, together 
with a surgeon and attendants, are permitted to remain. 

16th. No person, either citizen or soldier, to be molested on 
account of his political opinions hitherto expressed. 

17th. That duplicates of this capitulation be made out in Cas¬ 
tilian and English, and signed by the commissioners appointed, 
and ratified by the commanders of both armies. 

18th. The prisoners of both armies, up to this day, shall be 
put at liberty. 

The commissioners, Jose Juan Sanchez, adjutant-inspector; 
Don Ramon Musquiz and Lieutenant Francisco Rada and Inter¬ 
preter Don Miguel Arciniega, appointed by the Commandant 
and Inspector, General Martin Perfecto de Cos, in connection 
with Colonel F. W. Johnson, Major R. C. Morris, and Captain 
J. G. Swisher, and Interpreter John Cameron, appointed on the 
part of General Edward Burleson, after a long and serious dis¬ 
cussion, adopted the eighteen preceding articles, reserving their 
ratifications by the generals of both armies. 

In virtue of which, we have signed this instrument, in the City 
of Bexar, on the 11th of December, 1835. 


Jose Juan Sanchez 
Ramon Musquiz 
J. Francisco De Rada 
Miguel Arciniega, 
Interpreter 


F. W. Johnson 
Robert C. IMorris 
James G. Swisher 
John Cameron, 
Interpreter. 


I consent to, and will observe, the above article. 

Martin Perfecto De Cos. 

Ratified and approved: 

Edward Burleson, 

Commaiider-in-Chief Volunteer Army.” 

The news of the capture of San Antonio and the driving of 
General Cos and his troops from the State was the cause of great 
rejoicing. For a time Texas was free of the Mexican military. 
But preparations for war continued, as the Texans knew it was 
but the calm before the storm. ^ 


SANTA ANNA’S PROGRAMME TO SUBJUGATE TEXAS 

AND 

The Disaster Which Followed. 

Santa Anna Captures Zacatecas—Invades Texas—He Leads One 
Division of His Army—TorneVs Instructions to Mexican Com¬ 
manders—The Epitaph at San Jacinto — Garcia’s Statement of 
Santa Anna’s Fears. 

Santa Anna’s victory over Governor Garcia near Zacatecas, 
May 11, 1835, completed his destruction of the Republican party 
in Mexico, and left Texas as the only State of Mexico disputing 
his authority. Flushed with victory he began preparing plans 
to invade Texas and force it to recognize his authority. He real¬ 
ized that he was about to undertake a herculean task, and fear¬ 
ing to trust the carrying out of his plans to his lieutenants, he 
concluded to personally lead the campaign against Texas. 

Before leaving Laredo with the main army, Santa Anna 
ordered General Urrea, with one division of the army, to move 
from Matamoras and follow closely the Texas coast line so as 
to take in San Patricio, Refugio and Goliad, and after conquering 
these places to proceed to march against Victoria and Gonzales 
and intermediate points. He was to personally lead the main 
army upon San Antonio, Gonzales, San Felipe and other settle¬ 
ments eastward. 

After his slaughter of the brave defenders of the Alamo, Santa 
Anna divided the army into several divisions. He dispatched 
General Sesma and Woll with seven hundred men to march 
against Gonzales, San Felipe, Harrisburg and Anahuac. On the 
same day, March 11, he ordered Colonel Morales to march to 
Goliad and join Urrea. A few days later he ordered General 
Gaona with seven hundred and twenty-five men to move on 
Nacogdoches from Bastrop and scour the country on his march. 
On March 25 he issued additional orders to Urrea to scour and 
conquer the whole country from Victoria to Galveston and to 
shoot all prisoners taken. 


198 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY^ 


From a statement issued by General Filisola after his return 
to Mexico, it is learned that Santa Anna was jubilant over the 
successes of his troops at San Patricio, Goliad and the Alamo, 
and he then began to plan to send the whole brigade of 
cavalry under General Andrade, with all the artillery at head¬ 
quarters, back to San Luis Potosi. He regarded the revolution 
practically at an end. Filisola stated that he and General Al¬ 
monte remonstrated against this course. They thus induced 
Santa Anna to countermand the order to General Andrade and 
issue new orders. He revoked the order to General Gaona to 
march on Nacogdoches and instructed him to move on San Felipe. 
He ordered General Urrea to advance upon Brazoria, resolving 
to command the main central forces himself. He dispatched 
Colonel Amat to advance on Gonzales and San Felipe. Santa 
Anna and Filisola, with their staff, etc., followed the armies on 
their march to San Felipe. 

With these divisions of his army covering the State, Santa 
Anna imagined that his conquest of the country was assured 
and the subjugation of the rebellious colonists practically com¬ 
pleted. 

Early in January, 1836, Santa Anna advised his minister of 
war, senor Tornel, of his programme in full in reference to his 
invasion and subjugation of Texas. His programme as outlined 
to Tornel, was to ‘‘drive from the Province of Texas all who 
had any part in the revolution, together with all foreigners who 
lived near the coast or the borders of the United States; to re¬ 
move far into the interior those who had taken part in the war; 
to vacate all lands, grants of lands owned by non-residents; to 
remove from Texas all who had come to the province, and were 
not entitled as colonists, under Mexican rule; to divide among 
the officers and soldiers of the army the best lands provided 
they would accept them; to permit no Anglo-American to settle 
in Texas; to sell the remaining vacant lands at one dollar per 
acre, allowing those speaking French language to purchase five 
million acres, those speaking the English the same, and those 
speaking the Spanish language to purchase without limit; to 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


199 


satisfy the claims of civilized Indians; to make the Texans pay 
the expense of the war and to liberate and declare free the 
negroes introduced into the colony.’^ 

On the receipt of this communication from Santa Anna, Tor- 
nel issued a general order to all commanders in the Province of 
Texas to treat all foreigners as pirates. Tornel, doubtless had 
in mind when he wrote the word “pirates,’' volunteers from the 
United States. 

Instructions were also issued to the Mexican commanders 
to spare the lives of no Texans who were captured with arms. 
At least this was the excuse Santa Anna rendered for the foul 
and brutal murder of the defenders of the Alamo, of Fannin 
and his brave men, of Ward, of King and their troops. 

The records show that between February 27 and March 27, 
seven hundred and nine Americans perished at the hands of 
Santa Anna’s ruthless horde. 

Johnson’s force was destroyed at San Patricio, February 27. 
Grant and his men were destroyed on the Agua Dulce, March 2. 
The Alamo fell on March 6. Fannin surrendered at Coleto on 
March 20. Urrea seized Victoria, March 21. Ward surrendered 
on March 22. Fannin and his men were massacred at Goliad, 
March 27. 

These disasters did not discourage the Texans, but rather made 
them more determined to wreak vengeance on the head of those 
responsible for them. 

The battle of San Jacinto, April 21, 1836, was the Texans’ 
answer to Santa Anna’s programme of rapine and murder; 

“Santa Anna,” said the Mexican editor, Maceo Garcia, “was 
too suspicious of the loyalty of his officers to trust them with 
the carrying out of his programme for the subjugation of Texas, 
and he made the fatal mistake of leading his army in person. 
He knew absolutely nothing of the topography of Texas, and his 
spies and guards knew little more. As a consequence he was al¬ 
ways in trouble in transporting his army and supplies from one 
section to another and was finally trapped by the Texas com¬ 
mander, and his army almost annihilated. Soon after the battle 


200 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


began he realized his plight. His hopeless situation loomed up 
before him like a vision of despair, and seeing that all was lost 
he sought safety in flight.” 

These brief words of Garcia’s tell the story of Santa Anna’s 
defeat most accurately and eloquently. 

General Thomas J. Rusk told this story which we feel appro¬ 
priate as a fitting close of this brief chapter. A few weeks after 
the battle of San Jacinto and while Santa Anna was still in 
Texas, some one entered upon the battle ground and heaping up 
a mound of earth in the form of a grave, wrote this inscription: 
‘ ‘ Here lies the Programme, all pierced and torn, of Santa Anna, 
whose hopeless situation on these fields April 21, 1836, loomed 
up before him like a vision of Despair and who, seeing all was 
lost, sought safety in flight. May his remains find a resting place 
here.” 


THE JOHNSON-GRANT MILITARY EXPEDITION 
Pacts Regarding Its Disastrous Ending. 

Purpose of Its Organization—Ignore the Commander-in-Chief 
of the Texas Army — Johnson^s Miraculous Escape—His Men 
Slaughtered—Grand and His Troops Slaughtered—Its Sad 

Ending. 

General Pershing uttered a great truth at the reception 
tendered him at Washington on his return to the United States, 
when he said: ‘'War is a science, and to be successfully waged 
it must be conducted with mathematical precision.” 

Strict discipline is necessary to an orderly and successful mili¬ 
tary organization. Many failures on the battlefield can be traced 
to a spirit of insubordination and light consideration of military 
discipline. Some of the greatest disasters which came to the 
forces engaged in the Texas revolution can be traced to a spirit 
of indifference to the judgment of the chief military command. 
In all great undertakings there must be a directing head, and all 
agencies must be subordinate to it, if success is to be achieved. 
When a subordinate fails to recognize the judgment of his su¬ 
perior, confusion invariably follows. 

The disaster which came to the Johnson-Graiit Expedition to 
Southwest Texas, during the Texas revolution against Mexico, 
can be traced to the general council’s usurpation of authority 
and the ignoring of the authority given by the consultation to 
the commander of the land forces of the Texas army. It is a 
regrettable fact in the history of the Texas revolution that John¬ 
son and Grant ignored General Houston, the commander of all 
the Texas forces, when they organized their expeditions to march 
against Matamoras. When the breach occurred between Gov¬ 
ernor Smith and the general council, which was functioning 
without a quorum, these men unfortunately recognized Lieuten¬ 
ant-Governor Robinson as the chief executive, and took their 
orders from him and the general council, thereby ignoring Gov¬ 
ernor Smith and General Houston. 


202 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


Fannin was neither a bad nor a weak military chieftain, but 
he committed a military blunder when he failed to recognize the 
supreme importance of co-ordinating all military activities. The 
course of Robinson and the general council was responsible for 
the disaster which overtook Fannin and his brave companions. 
In a letter addressed to Fannin under date of February 6, 1836, 
Robinson advised him that “all previous orders given by myself 
and General Houston are hereby revoked,” thus leaving Fannin 
to act on his own initiative. Not being in a position to know 
Santa Anna’s plans to invade Texas, he was placed at a disad¬ 
vantage. And when Governor Smith advised him regarding 
them, he doubted Smith’s source of information, preferring to 
act on information emanating from Robinson. He said this 
much in a letter to Robinson, January 28, 1836: “I received a 
letter from ‘Henry Smith’ just before sailing for Aransas Bay, 
a copy of which T ordered made and have forwarded to you. 
You will see from the back that he reports an express from Bexar, 
saying 2,500 Mexicans were advancing to retake that post. I sus¬ 
pect the cause of that rumor, and will be governed by such orders 
emanating from such persons as may be above suspicion.” 

When the convention which met at Old Washington, March 1, 
1836, recognized Governor Smith as the executive head of the 
provisional government, and re-appointed Houston as com¬ 
mander of all the land forces of the Texas army, Fannin recog¬ 
nized Houston’s authority. But the mischief had been done. 
Disaster had overtaken both Johnson and Grant, the latter 
slaughtered, and most of their brave men put to the sword, and 
Fannin was menaced by overwhelming numbers of the enemy. 
As a result of these disasters it taxed the ingenuity of Houston 
to restore confidence and bring order out of chaos. 

Both Johnson and Grant had rendered valiant service at San 
Antonio, when the Texans wrested that stronghold from the 
Mexicans under General Cos. It was but natural then for the 
council to listen to these men when they applied for authority 
to organize a force for the invasion of Matamoras. The unpardon¬ 
able sin the council committed, however, was the granting of 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


203 


their request without referring the whole matter to General 
Houston who had been placed in charge of the Texas land forces 
by the consultation which gave existence to the council. This ac¬ 
tion of the council was not only humiliating to General Houston, 
but it demoralized the whole military plans for the defense of 
the struggling embryo Republic, 

The organic law under which the provisional government was 
operating declared that “the Governor and General Council 
have power to organize, reduce or increase the regular forces,^’ 
but it delegated no power to create any agents to supersede the 
commander-in-chief. It provided further that “the regular 
army of Texas shall consist of one Major-General, who shall be 
Coinmander-in-Chief of all forces called into public service dur¬ 
ing the war. ’ ’ Consequently, all troops in service, or to be placed 
in service, were placed by the organic law under the command 
of the commander-in-chief. The council had no authority to 
create any agency or agencies that could assume command of 
troops. The organic law, too, gave the power to the commander- 
in-chief, the discretion to accept or reject the services of volun¬ 
teers for such term as “he shall think the defense of the country 
and the good of the service require. ’ ’ The law which was to gov¬ 
ern the organization of the army gave certain powers to the 
governor and the commander-in-chief and they could not be 
abridged or set aside by the council. This, however, the council 
attempted to do. After the council had trampled under foot the 
organic law governing the organization of the army, both Fannin 
and Johnson issued proclamations assembling volunteers to ren¬ 
dezvous at certain points in West Texas. This was a violation 
of the organic law as the council had no authority to appoint 
agencies with powers superior to those given the commander-in- 
chief. 

During the transpiring of the events recorded above, it was 
no secret that Santa Anna was organizing a strong force to in¬ 
vade Texas; and it was no secret that the commander-in-chief 
would need every able-bodied man, in the service, to successfully 
combat Santa Anna’s horde, when it reached the Texas border. 


204 ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 

History and the events closely following these unauthorized ex¬ 
peditions record it a bungling mistake. 

Colonel Johnson assigns as his reason for writing the council 
at San Felipe to secure its authority to organize a force to fall 
upon Matamoras, was that he desired to transfer “the war into 
the enemy’s country, as well as to give employment to the vol¬ 
unteer troops.” He overlooked, or ignored the fact, however, 
that General Houston was the commander-in-chief of all the 
Texas land forces, and that he should have been consulted re¬ 
garding a move of such a grave character. 

Colonel Grant was authorized to raise a force and march to 
Refugio where he was to join Colonel Johnson. He, however, did 
not devote his energies to the securing of new volunteers, but 
induced a large number of troops stationed at San Antonio to 
join him. The effect of this action on the part of Grant was 
complained of by the commander at San Antonio, Lieutenant 
J. C. Neill, in a letter to the governor and council, January 6, 
1836, saying: “We have 104 men and two distinct fortresses 
to garrison. You doubtless have learned that we have no pro¬ 
visions or clothing since Johnson and Grant left * * *. The 
clothing sent here by the aid and patriotic exertions of the hon¬ 
orable council was taken from us by the arbitrary measures of 
Johnson and Grant—taken from men who endured all the hard¬ 
ships of winter and who were not even sufficiently clad for sum¬ 
mer, many of them having but one blanket and one shirt, and 
what was intended for them given to men some of whom had not 
been in the army more than four days and many not exceeding 
a week. If a divide had been made of them, the most needy of my 
men could have been made comfortable by the stocks of clothing 
and provisions taken from them. About 200 men wiio volunteered 
to garrison this town for four months left my command, con¬ 
trary to my orders, and thereby violated the policy of their en¬ 
listment. ’ ’ 

This action was a sad commentary on the loyal military acu¬ 
men of Johnson and Grant, and a reflection on the patriotism of 
the members of the council who connived with these military 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


205 


chieftains to deprive a necessary post of equipment and also of 
men under military obligations to garrison the forts at Bexar. 
It illustrates to what extremes men devoid of regard for military 
discipline will go when endeavoring to carry out a scheme their 
conscience was bound to have told them was contrary to public 
policy. 

Johnson and Grant finally reached San Patricio with their 
force. Here they remained for some time, in idleness, with the 
exception of reconnoitering the country in search of horses 
needed by Fannin. 

San Patricio was Johnson and Grant’s Waterloo, and the 
gallant men they induced to desert from Neill’s command at San 
Antonio, and those who joined them enroute to San Patricio, 
were made the victims of Mexican hate. Accepting Colonel John¬ 
son’s account of the catastrophe which followed, we are led to 
conclude that it was one of the saddest events of the revolution. 

It has been stated by Colonel Johnson that he and Grant 
crossed the Nueces and advanced to the Rio Colorado, for the 
purpose of securing horses to mount a cavalry force. On their 
return march to San Patricio, Grant learned of a number of 
horses and mules below the road they were traveling, and sug¬ 
gested to Colonel Johnson the propriety of securing them. Col. 
Johnson tells us that he did not at first approve the idea; but as 
Major Morris seconded Colonel Grant’s suggestion, it was agreed 
that one-half of the force, some seventy men, should secure the 
horses while Colonel Johnson and the other part of the force 
would return to San Patricio and await Grant and Morris. 

On the night of the second day, Johnson’s force was surprised 
by an attack of Urrea’s troops. After a short struggle all were 
put to the sword except Colonel Johnson and three others occu¬ 
pying the quarters with him, David J. Toler, John H. Love and 
a Mr. Miller. Just how Colonel Johnson was able to escape is 
told by him in this language: ‘ ‘ The house was soon surrounded 
and an order was given to open the door. There being no light in 
the house, the Mexican ordered a light to be made. Toler, who 
spoke the Castilian language, kept the officer in conversation 


206 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


while he pretended to be complying with the order. While thus 
engaged, fortunately for the inmates of the house, fire was 
opened on the street in front. This drew those in the rear of the 
house to the front. Apprised of this, Colonel Johnson gave the 
order to open the rear door and to pass out and escape if we 
could. The order was obeyed, and the party escaped to Goliad. 
A short time after the slaughter of the men with Johnson, Grant 
and his command were attacked near Agua Dulce, twenty-five 
miles from San Patricio, and after a desperate resistance they 
were all killed except three, as follows: R. R. Brown, who was 
made a prisoner; Placido Benevidas and a man by the name of 
Skurlock. Brown was carried to Matamoras, but later escaped. 

In 1858, Mr. Brown published an exhaustive account of the 
slaughter of Grant's command. Upon his account of this unfor¬ 
tunate affair we must depend for accuracy. He gave a graphic 
account of the movements of Grant’s men; of their capturing 
horses. He said that Grant and his men reached the Agua Dulce 
in high spirits. They made an early start from that place after 
camping for the night. “Colonel Grant, Placido and Benevidas 
and myself,” he said, “were riding about a half-mile ahead of 
the rest of the company. As we were passing between two large 
clusters of timber, suddenly, there came out from each of these 
mottes several hundred Mexican dragoons, who quickly closed 
in, surrounding both the horses and our party. Grant, Placido 
and myself might have made our escape * * * but our first 
impulse being to relieve our party. We returned to them without 
reflecting upon the improbability of doing any good against so 
large a number, for there were at least one thousand dragoons 
under the immediate charge of General Urrea himself. We then 
at once understood that Urrea had come in on the main road 
some distance below, or to the south of us, that he had been to 
San Patricio and had probably slaughtered Colonel Johnson and 
his party. Placido wished to return with us, but Grant persuaded 
him to start forthwith to Goliad and give Fannin information 
of Urrea’s arrival. As Grant and myself approached to join our 
party the dragoons opened their line and we passed in. We at 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


207 


once saw that some of our party had already been killed, and 
we decided to sell our lives as dearly as possible. My horse was 
quickly killed with a lance, but Grant told me to mount Major 
Morris’ horse, as Morris had just been killed. I did so. Just at 
that moment the horses stampeded and broke the line of the 
dragoons and Grant and myself found ourselves the only sur¬ 
vivors of our party, following in the wake of the horses, the 
dragoons shooting after us as we speeded along * * * , After 
we had run six or seven miles, they succeeded in surrounding us, 
when, seeing no further chance of escape, we dismounted, de¬ 
termined to make them pay dearly for our lives. As I reached 
the ground a Mexican lanced me in the arm and Grant immedi¬ 
ately shot him dead, when I siezed the lance to defend myself. 
Just as he shot the Mexican I saw Grant fall, pierced with sev¬ 
eral lances, and a moment later I found myself fast in a lasso 
that had been thrown over me, and by which I was dragged to 
the ground. I could do no more. After Grant fell, I saw ten 
or a dozen officers go up and run their swords through his 
body. ’ ’ 

Mr. Brown, continuing his narrative, tells of his treatment 
and final escape. In closing he said: “I have given you the lead¬ 
ing events of our disastrous expedition under Colonel Grant, of 
which I was the only survivor except Placido Benevidas, who 
carried the first news of our slaughter to Fannin.” 

Thus ended the Johnson-Grant expedition, an ill-fated ad¬ 
venture, led and directed by men who failed to realize how 
hazardous it is in war to ignore the counsel and advice of superior 
officers. The butchery of Johnson’s brave companions, of Grant 
and his followers, of Fannin and his command, of King and 
Ward—all resulted from the reckless disorder of the few men of 
the general council who ignored the authority given the chief ex¬ 
ecutive and commander-in-chief of the Texas armies by the 
organic law. 



WILLIAM B. TRAVIS 







STORMING AND FALL OF THE ALAMO 
The Butchery op Its Defenders. 

Travis and His Troops Enter the Alamo—Santa Anna Demands 
Its Surrender—Travis Refuses—Santa Anna Lays Siege—The 
Battle Which Follows—The Alamo Falls and Its Defenders Are 
Slain—The Burning of the Victim.s—The After Effects of This 

Slaughter. 

History does not record an instance of greater daring, heroism 
and sacrifice, in behalf of liberty, than was shown by Travis, 
Bowie, Crocket, Bonham and their companions on that eventful 
Sabbath morn, ]\Iarch 6, 1836, when they fell at the Alamo “a 
chosen sacrifice to Texas freedom.^’ 

The tragedy of the Alamo has been told in story and song. 
The poet, the orator, the artist, the sculptor, have embellished 
its deeds with the splendors of romance. Its glorious memory is 
a priceless heritage of freedom in every land and in every clime. 
Time does not dim the lutre of its imperishable fame. Its history 
is linked with the names of heroes and martyrs whose deeds of 
valor the world delights to honor. 

There has never been but one Alamo. 

The butchery of the defenders of the Alamo was regarded by 
the world as one of the most heinous crimes of modern warfare. 
Its barbarity has few equals in the world ^s history. It is true that 
Travis had refused the offer of surrender, but it was a surrender 
at discretion. To surrender at discretion to a despot means death 
of a most cruel character. Travis and his brave companions knew 
this. It was plain to them that death was inevitable and they 
chose to sell their lives as dear as possible. The slaughter of 
King and his men, of Fannin and Ward and their commands, 
proved the correctness of their conclusions. That Santa Anna 
came to Texas fully determined to spare the lives of no one in 
rebellion against his tyranny was plain. This was shown in every 
instance where his armies were victorious. But a restitution 
awaited him, not of murder, such as he had meted out to the 


210 


EOMANCE AND TEAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTOEY 


defenders of the Alamo, but one more cruel than death to the 
brave—one of defeat, humiliation and disgrace. He was unlike 
Fannin at Goliad who preferred death to life, after his brave 
men had fallen. Santa Anna heard the groans and cries of the 
pick of his army at San Jacinto,, but he heeded not their cries, 
but like a coward he was crouching and begging for his life. 

Santa Anna had no idea that the Alamo would rise like 
Banco’s ghost, to terrify him and his army on another battle¬ 
field. But tt^e cry ‘'Bemember the Alamo” was shouted by the 
Texas army on that fateful day when he was forced to meet 
them on San Jacinto’s field. It was the inspiring cry of victory 
as the brave Texans rushed with impetuousity upon the ranks 
of Santa Anna’s defaulting horde. The very name— Alamo — 
sent terror in the hearts of Santa Anna’s bravest leaders, because 
they knew that it came from the mouths of men determined to 
pay a debt of retribution. They felt from the first the awfulness 
of their crimes and as the Texans rushed forward they saw de¬ 
termination stamped on their faces and horrified by the remem¬ 
brances of their foul deed they trembled, and fled and died. There 
were none to encourage or revive their spirit. The battle was lost 
to them as soon as the word “Remember the Alamo” pierced 
their ears. But they died not like the defenders of the Alamo— 
fighting to the last—but in an attempt to find refuge in flight. 

In tracing the record of the Alamo from its founding to the 
present time, we find no dull period in its history. It was within 
its walls that General Martin Perfecto de Cos signed the terms 
of his capitulation to the Texas commander. General Edward 
Burleson, December 11, 1835. From its evacuation closely fol¬ 
lowing Cos’ capitulation the Alamo was occupied by Texas 
troops. 

When Santa Anna led his armies into Texas early in 1836, he 
chose to lead his choice division against San Antonio and the 
Alamo, for he bore within his heart grievances because it was 
here that his kinsman and favorite officer was beaten and forced 
into capitulation in 1835. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


211 


The first information we have of the Mexican troops reaching 
San Antonio was given by Colonel Travis in the afternoon of 
February 23, when he dispatched a note to Andrew Ponton, Al¬ 
calde at Gonzales, in which he said: ‘ ‘ The enemy in large force 
is in sight. We want men and provisions. Send them to us. We 
have 150 men and are determined to defend the Alamo to the 
last. Give us assistance. ^ ’ 

When Santa Anna reached San Antonio, February 23, he de¬ 
manded an unconditional surrender of the Alamo and its de¬ 
fenders. This demand was answered by a cannon shot which was 
replied to by the Mexicans. The siege of the Alamo may be said 
to have begun then. 

The next day, February 24, Colonel Travis sent out an ap¬ 
peal for aid. This document is regarded by many historians as 
one of the most heroic documents in American history. It was 
as follows: 

‘ ‘ Commander of the Alamo, February 24, 1836. 

“To the People of Texas and All Americans of the World: 

“Fellow Citizens and Compatriots: I am besieged by a thou¬ 
sand or more of Mexicans under Santa Anna. I have sustained 
a continued bombardment and cannonade for 24 hours, and I 
have not lost a man. The enemy has demanded a surrender at 
discretion, otherwise the garrison are to be put to the sword, if 
the fort is taken. I have answered the demand with a cannon 
shot, and our flag still waves proudly from the walls. I shall 
never surrender or retreat. Then I call on you in the name of 
liberty, of patriotism and everything dear to the American char¬ 
acter, to come to our aid with all dispatch. The enemy is receiv¬ 
ing reinforcements daily and will no doubt increase to three or 
four thousand in four or five days. If this call is neglected, I 
am determined to sustain myself as long as possible and die like 
a soldier who never forgets what is due to his own honor and that 
of his country. 

“Victory or death. 

William Barrett Travis, 

‘ ‘ Lieutenant-Colonel, Commander.' ’ 


212 


KOMANCE AND TKAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


In an effort to support and sustain Travis and his command 
in the Alamo, Mr. Ponton, at Gonzales, sent thirty-two men to 
San Antonio. They reached San Antonio, passed through the 
enemies’ lines and into the Alamo on March 1, at 3 o’clock a. m. 

Travis’ last message hearing date of March 3, and addressed 
to the president of the convention at Old Washington, was car¬ 
ried through the enemy’s lines by John W. Smith. It was deliv¬ 
ered early on the morning of Sunday, March 6. The convention 
quickly assembled and the communication was read. It created 
great consternation. The letter was one of despair, but Travis’ 
determination to defend the Alamo to the last gave hope that 
he would be able to hold out until relief could be sent him. The 
following excerpt from this letter shows the lofty patriotism 
that actuated him. He said: ‘ ‘ The power of Santa Anna is to 
be met here or in the colonies; we had better meet him here than 
to suffer a war of devastation to rage in our settlements. A blood 
red banner waves from the church of Bejar, and in the camp 
above us, in token that the war is one of vengeance against rebels. 
They have declared us as such, demanded that we should sur¬ 
render at discretion, or that this garrison should be put to the 
sword. The threats have had no influence on me or my men, but 
to make us fight with desperation, and that high-souled courage 
which characterizes the patriot who is willing to die in defense 
of his country’s liberty and his own honor.” 

Colonel Reuben M. Potter, whose account of the siege of the 
Alamo has generally been accepted as the most reliable, says that 
Santa Anna had no siege train, but only light field pieces and 
howitzer. This is not borne out by the statement of Colonel 
Travis, for in his letter to the president of the Washington Con¬ 
vention, appears this: ‘‘From the twenty-fifth to the present 
date the enemy have kept up a bombardment from two howitzers 
—and a five and a half inch, and the other an eight inch—and 
a heavy cannonade from two lone nine-pounders, mounted on a 
battery on the opposite side of the river at a distance of four 
hundred yards from our walls. 





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JAMES f^OWIE 







ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


213 


On the afternoon of March 4, Santa Anna called a council of 
his officers to decide on a course for future operations. He saw 
that his assault upon the Alamo had proven ineffectual and to 
continue it meant a further loss of his men. As a result of this 
conference he issued, on the afternoon of Saturday the 5th, se¬ 
cret instructions to his officers to prepare for the storming of the 
Alamo at 4 o’clock a. m., Sunday, March 6. 

He began these secret instructions with this statement: ‘ ‘ The 
time has come to strike a decisive blow upon the enemy occupying 
the fortress of the Alamo, consequently, His Excellency, the 
General-in-Chief has decided that tomorrow at 4 a. m. the col¬ 
umns of attack shall be stationed at musket-shot distance from 
the first entrenchments, ready for the charge which shall com¬ 
mence at a signal to be given with the bugle from the northern 
battery. ” 

The storming of the Alamo was to begin promptly at 4 o’clock. 
But in Santa Anna’s report he said: “This force divided into 
two columns of attack, and a reserve, commenced the attack at 
5 o’clock a. m. They met with a stubborn resistance, the combat 
lasting more than one hour and a half, and the reserve having to 
be brought into action.” 

General Castrillon seems to have been the leading figure in 
the assault. Santa Anna is said to have occupied a position at a 
battery some five hundred yards south of the Alamo. He was 
accompanied by members of his staff and a band of music. The 
sound of a bugle was to be the signal for all the columns to move 
simultaneously against the Alamo. The units commanded by 
Castrillon was to rush through the breach on the north; General 
(’os’ units were to storm the chapel, and another unit was to scale 
the west barrier. At the sound of the bugle the different columns 
rushed to the foot of the walls. The guns of the fort opened upon 
the moving, hurrying masses with deadly effect, and Santa 
Anna’s band struck up the assassin note of deguello, which meant 
no quarter. The mass of soldiers rushing to the foot of the walls 
was soon out of range of the fort cannons and they were practi¬ 
cally useless in defense from their elevated positions. 

Colonel Duque led the columns to the north breach. Travis 


214 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


commanded the ^ns here. His gxins raked the breach which, 
with the fire of the riflemen, brought the columns to a halt, the 
commander himself falling badly wounded. General Cos’ col¬ 
umns, which had attacked the chapel, were repulsed and 
they fell back in great disorder and many of his men bleeding 
and dying. His columns, reinforced, succeeded in rushing 
into the large area of the chapel. “From the doors, windows, and 
loop holes of the several rooms around the area,” says Potter, 

‘ ‘ the crack of the rifle and the hiss of the bullets came fierce and 
fast.” The garrison was soon driven from the outer defenses 
by the columns which swarmed the ladders, and took refuge in 
the buildings, mainly in the barracks. It was then that the main 
struggle took place. 

Travis fell as the enemy poured into the large area. His body 
was found with a single shot in the forehead, beside his gun at 
the northern angle. As the mass of soldiers rushed into the large 
area, Travis’ gun was turned against the building as were other 
guns commanded by the columns entering the area and many 
shots were sent crashing through the barricaded doors of the 
several rooms surrounding the area. Each shot of the cannon 
was followed by a storm of musketry and a charge; and thus 
room after room was carried at the point of the bayonet, when all 
within died fighting to the last. 

“The struggle,” said Potter, “was made up of a number of 
separate and desperate combats, often hand to hand, between 
squads of the garrison and bodies of the enemy. The bloodiest 
spot about the place was the long barrack and in the ground in 
front of it, where the enemy fell in heaps.” 

The chapel, which was the last point taken, was carried after 
the fire of the other buildings was silenced; The inmates of this 
stronghold fought to the last. ‘ ‘ Those of the upper works, ’ ’ said 
Potter, “poured a deadly fire upon the enemy occupying the 
lower floor.” 

While the struggle was going on here. Lieutenant Dickinson 
leaped from the east embrasure of the chapel and was instantly 
killed. It is thought that the last defenders of the Alamo died 
in the upper part of this edifice. 











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DAVID CROCKETT 





ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


215 


Accounts differ as to the part Santa Anna personally took in 
this engagement. The Mexicans say that he did not enter any 
part of the fortress until toward the close of the struggle, when 
he joined the assaulters and directed some of the last details of 
the butchery. 

Santa Anna reported that 1,400 men were engaged in storming 
the Alamo and that his loss was about seventy men killed and 
three hundred wounded; that his troops “killed six hundred 
foreigners.’’ The facts are that Santa Anna had between 2400 
and 8000 troops engaged in the final assault, and that his loss 
amounted to not less than 500 killed and that many wounded. 
This report is in keeping with Santa Anna’s veracity. He al¬ 
ways minimized his losses and magnified the losses of his an¬ 
tagonist. 

Santa Anna also reported that his troops buried the bodies 
of 600 foreigners in the ditches and entrenchments. The Alcalde 
of San Antonio, Francisco Antonio Ruiz, who superintended the 
collection of the bodies of the slain Texans, tells us that 182 
bodies were collected and placed on a funeral pyre. Ruiz was 
called on by Santa Anna to point out the bodies of the leaders 
among the defenders of the Alamo. This he did. He said that 
Crockett’s body was found in the west battery; that Travis’ body 
lay on the gun carriage in the north battery; that Bowie was 
overtaken as he lay in his bed in one of the rooms in the south 
side. He said that Bowie did not give up his life without re¬ 
sistance, but that he shot down several of his assailants with his 
pistol before he was butchered. 

The different breaches were attacked simultaneously with the 
scaling of the walls by a ladder brigade, and the confusion be¬ 
came so great that every defender of the Alamo was forced to act 
his own part and defend the fortress and his life the best he 
could. With more than fifteen to one the little band of brave 
Texans were unable to resist the tide of assailants, though they 
slaughtered three to one of their numbers. 

The Texans fought with a heroism undaunted by fear and died 
a willing sacrifice to Freedom’s Call. 




MASSACRE OF KING AND WARD’S COMMANDS 
A Story op Mexican Vengeance and Brutality. 

Fannin Sends King to Remove Families from Refugio—He Is 
Assaulted by Urrea^s Troops—Ward Sent to His Rescue—King 
and Ward Surrender to the Mexicans and They, with Their Men, 
Were Brutally Massacred. 

The story of the cruel and savage massacre of the brave men 
of Captain King and Colonel Ward’s commands is another chap¬ 
ter in the history of Mexican vengeance and brutality. 

Shortly after Colonel Fannin at Goliad learned of General 
Urrea’s capture of San Patricio, he dispatched Captain Aaron 
King with twenty-eight men to Refugio, to remove certain fam¬ 
ilies from that town to a place of safety. Fannin instructed King 
to return to Goliad as soon as he had performed this mission. 
Instead of hastening back to Goliad as instructed, he dispatched 
a messenger to Fannin asking for additional troops as he was 
threatened with an attack of Urrea’s advance. Accordingly, 
Fannin sent Colonel William Ward with one hundred and twelve 
men to King’s assistance. Colonel Ward joined King on the 
afternoon of March 13 (1836). Previous to Colonel Ward’s ar¬ 
rival at Refugio, Captain King had been attacked by the ad¬ 
vance troops of Urrea’s command, but he had repulsed them. 
During the night of March 13, a large force of Mexicans at¬ 
tacked the mission where King’s men were lodged, but they were 
repulsed with heavy loss. The next morning his sentinels ad¬ 
vised him that there was a large force of ^lexicans near the 
place. This information caused Colonel Ward to abandon his 
plans agreed upon the night before, to start on his return march 
to Goliad. About ten o ’clock on the morning of the 14th, he sent 
a party of fifteen men to the river to secure for the troops two 
barrels of water. While filling the barrels, they were fired upon 
by Urrea’s army of about a thousand men. The carts containing 
the water were hurried to the mission. The Mexicans followed 
them firing as they advanced. Seeing that they intended to at- 


218 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


tack the mission, Colonel Ward instructed his men to reserve 
their fire until they approached within rifle range. This they 
did. When the Texans opened fire on the advancing Mexicans, 
they fell back in great disorder, leaving many dead and wounded 
on the field. The Mexicans rallied several times, but were driven 
back each time with heavy losses. The engagements lasted until 
about four p. m., when the Mexicans retreated, leaving between 
four and five hundred of their dead upon the field. The Texans 
had only three men wounded. 

An order was received the night following the attack by Ur- 
rea, instructing Ward to abandon the mission and retreat toward 
Victoria, where Fannin would join him. At twelve at night 
Ward, with his force, left the mission on his retreat to Victoria. 
They marched through the swamps and woods. On account of 
the character of the ground, the Mexican cavalry could not fol¬ 
low. They reached the San Antonio River on the third day. They 
crossed the river on the 19th and continued their march toward 
Victoria. That afternoon they heard firing between Fannin and 
the Mexicans under Urrea. Ward made an attempt to rejoin 
Fannin but darkness overtaking him, he camped for the night 
in the Guadalupe River bottom. On the morning of March 21, 
Colonel Ward set out toward Victoria where he was to rejoin 
Fannin, but on reaching Victoria he found the place in the pos¬ 
session of the Mexicans. Fannin had set out to meet Colonel 
Ward as he promised, but he and his command surrendered to 
Urrea, and were carried back to Goliad. That night Ward 
marched toward Dimmit's Point on the Lavaca River, near Mata¬ 
gorda Bay. The following day, March 22, he halted his command 
for rest. They were within two miles of their destination. He 
sent two men to the point to ascertain who held that place. These 
two men were made captives by a body of Mexicans belonging 
to Urrea’s command. They also surrounded Ward’s force. The 
two prisoners hallooed to the Texans and told them of the num¬ 
ber of Mexicans, suggesting that Colonel Ward see General Ur¬ 
rea regarding terms of surrender. Accordingly, Colonel Ward, 
accompanied by Major Mitchell and Captain Ticknor of his 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


219 


command, sought General lirrea. He was told by Urrea that if 
he would surrender as prisoners of war, he and his men would 
be marched to Capano and from there shipped to New Orleans, 
or be retained as prisoners of war and be exchanged. 

On returning to the camp of the Texans, Colonel Ward advised 
his men of the proposition made by Urrea and addressing his 
men, he told them he opposed surrender. He told them it was 
the same enemy they had beaten at Refugio; that he thought the 
chances of escape equally as good as they were then. He was 
very emphatic that he thought resistance better than surrender¬ 
ing as he feared in that event they would all be butchered. The 
matter was submitted to his command. A large majority favored 
surrendering. Colonel Ward told them, however, that their 
wishes should govern, “but,’^ he said, “if you are destroyed, 
do not blame me.” 

Colonel Ward, accompanied by Major Mitchell and Captain 
Ticknor, forthwith called on General Urrea and the terms of 
capitulation were quickly agreed upon, being the same as General 
Urrea had promised on the first visit. The men were marched 
in line and their arms turned over to the Mexican officers. They 
were placed under a strong guard and on the next morning, 
^larch 23, they were marched to Goliad. There Colonel Ward 
found Fannin and his command prisoners. On the 27, Colonel 
Ward and his men were marched out with Fannin’s men and 
shot in violation of the terms of surrender. 

Captain King had become separated from Colonel Ward’s 
command. He attempted to make his way to Goliad. On the 16th 
of March he was surrounded in the open prairie by the Mexicans 
to whom he surrendered. A few hours later he and his men were 
formed in line and shot. This occurred about half a mile from 
the old mission at Goliad. They were stripped by the Mexicans 
of their clothing and their bodies left as prey for wild beasts. 

These inhuman brutalities were fresh in the minds of the vic¬ 
torious Texans at San Jacinto, and every shot fired by them into 
the fleeing army of Santa Anna was an inspiration for 
vengeance. 



THE BATTLE OF COLETO AND THE MASSACRE OF 
FANNIN AND HIS COMMAND 

A Most Brutal and Inhuman Butchery 

Fannin Marches Out of- Goliad—Camps on the Prairie—Is Sur¬ 
rounded by General Urrea^s Mexican Troops—A Fierce Battle 
Ensues—Fannin Is Wounded—Surrenders the Next Day as 
Prisoners of War—His Troops Are Marched Back to Goliad — 
Santa Anna Orders the Wholesale Slaughter of Fannin and His 
Command—The Execution—Some Escape—Are Followed by 
Cavalry—General Rusk Buries Their Bones. 

The slaughter of Colonel J. W. Fannin and his command 
on the order of General Santa Anna, at Goliad, March 27, 
1836, was one of the most tragic events of the Texas Revolution. 
For brutality, it has few equals in the annals of history. It was 
more savage and inhuman than the slaughter of the brave de¬ 
fenders of the Alamo, yet that brutal deed appalled civilization. 
There might have been an apparent justification for putting to 
the sword the defenders of the Alamo, because they refused to 
surrender on Santa Anna’s demands and fought to the last. 
While on the other hand Colonel Fannin surrendered his com¬ 
mand on the solemn pledge that they would be treated as prison¬ 
ers of war. But alas, Mexican soldiery cared not for their 
plighted faith and violated it in the most inhuman manner, and 
history records the slaughter as one of the most stupendous mili¬ 
tary crimes of modern warfare. But it was in keeping with the 
Mexican treachery which manifested itself throughout the Revo¬ 
lution. 

This act marked the decadence of Santa Anna’s tremendous 
influence over the Mexican people. Urrea, to whom Fannin sur¬ 
rendered, no doubt meant to carry out the terms of surrender. 
But Santa Anna disregarded these terms of surrender, and in his 
act he caused plighted faith to be violated and enacted a scene 
of horror that was revolting to those charged with its execution. 
As was said by Lamar, every virtuous emotion, every manly 
feeling, every ennobling principle of the human heart, pro¬ 
claimed it in a voice of thunder, a disgrace to civilization. 


222 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


The transpiring events which led Colonel Fannin to Goliad, 
will be omitted from this chapter, as they are referred to in 
others in this volume. 

It will be recalled that General Houston ordered the abandon¬ 
ment of the Alamo and Goliad by the forces holding these forts. 
When Houston ordered that the Alamo be abandoned and the 
fort blown up, the general council ignored this order and com¬ 
manded Travis to defend the place and promised to reinforce 
him. The reinforcements sent by the council consisted of thirty 
men. On March 14, 1836, General Houston sent a second ex¬ 
press to Fannin ordering him to abandon Goliad and blow up the 
fort “and fall back without delay upon Victoria and the Guada¬ 
lupe.’’ Fannin delayed in carrying out General Houston’s 
orders because of the fact that he had sent Captain King, with 
a small body of men, to Refugio to remove certain families from 
that place and he was waiting King’s return. Instead of promptly 
returning to Goliad, Captain King sent a messenger to Fannin 
asking for reinforcements. It was then that Fannin dispatched 
Major Ward, with the Georgia Battalion, to Captain King’s aid. 

On March 18 Fannin’s scouts reported a large force of Mex¬ 
icans in the vicinity of Goliad. The evening was spent in prep¬ 
aration to abandon the place the following day. The forts were 
dismantled, the wooden buildings and such provisions and am¬ 
munition as could not be transported, were destroyed. 

On the morning of the 19th Colonel Fannin marched out of 
the fort, his force consisting of about two hundred and fifty 
men besides a company of artillery and a force of mounted men 
under Colonel Horton. He crossed the San Antonio River at the 
ford below Goliad and entered a large prairie which extended 
to the timber on Coleto Creek, a distance of about ten miles. 
Fannin halted in the prairie about two miles from Coleto Creek, 
unyoked the oxen used in carrying the guns and wagons and 
turned them out to graze. After a few hours rest, preparations 
were being made to proceed on their journey. About this time 
there emerged from the timber on two sides, Mexican cavalry¬ 
men. As they approached Fannin’s camp they lengthened out 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


223 


their lines with the object of surrounding Fannin. He began to 
prepare for defense as it was plain that the Mexicans intended to 
make an attack. Fannin formed his men into a hollow square 
with lines three deep in order to repel the charge of the cavalry. 
His artillery was placed at the four angles of the square with 
the wagons and oxen inside. In the meantime Colonel Horton’s 
vanguard had proceeded a short distance ahead. When the Mex¬ 
ican cavalry approached within a half mile of Fannin’s lines 
they formed into three columns, one remaining stationery, the 
other two moving to Fannin’s right and left. While carrying 
out this maneuver Fannin opened up his artillery on them, 
ploughing through their dense ranks with deadly effect. When 
the two moving, columns were opposite each other they suddenly 
changed front and the three columns, with trumpet sounding and 
pinions flying, charged upon Fannin simultaneously from three 
directions. When they had approached to within three or four 
hundred yards of the lines, Fannin opened his artillery upon 
them with grape and canister, with deadly effect. But on they 
came until their foremost ranks came into contact with Fannin’s 
bayonets. The fire of Fannin’s muskets and rifles were so rapid 
and destructive that they fell back in great confusion, leaving 
the ground strewn with dead and wounded Mexicans and horses. 
The IMexicans soon reformed their broken columns and made two 
more attacks as the first, but the unerring aim of Fannin’s brave 
men drove them back with heavy loss. Realizing the impossibil¬ 
ity of breaking Fannin’s lines, the Mexican cavalry dismounted 
and opened up a fusilage with.their muskets and escopetas. They 
made poor headway as Fannin’s men proved to be better marks¬ 
men and increased the slaughter of the Mexicans. 

With the Mexican force was a company of about a hundred 
Carine Indians who took part in the attack. They were more 
daring and better marksmen. They would crawl up closely to 
Fannin’s lines and fire and reload with rapidity. But they were 
soon located and driven from the field. 

The Mexicans finally abandoned the field and withdrew to the 
timber skirting Coleto Creek. The night was spent by Fannin’s 


224 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


men in digging entrenchments and throwing up embankments 
for defense in an anticipation of a renewal of the Mexican at¬ 
tack next morning. These preparations, however, were not made 
until Fannin had conferred with his command regarding their 
future course. He told them that the enemy had been greatly 
demoralized by their failure but that he felt sure that the at¬ 
tack would be renewed the following day with reinforcements, 
and if the majority felt that they should retreat, as soon as dark¬ 
ness approached, he would do so. But owing to the fact that a 
large number of men had been wounded the men voted unani¬ 
mously not to abandon the wounded, but remain with them and 
share whatever fate befell them. 

Colonel Horton attempted to rejoin Fannin, but was cut off 
by Mexican cavalry. He and his men escaped across Coleto 
Creek. 

At the approach of dawn next day the Mexicans were in mo¬ 
tion preparatory to renewing the attack. During the night a 
detachment of seven hundred and fifty cavalry and artillery 
joined them. They moved upon Fannin, and when within five 
or six hundred yards opened fire with their cannon, two brass 
nine pounders. Fannin did not return the fire owing to the 
scarcity of ammunition and the distance. A cavalry charge was 
momentarily expected. After firing several rounds from their 
cannon, an officer accompanied by a soldier bearing a white 
flag, rode out toward Fannin’s camp and signaled that a confer¬ 
ence was desired. Fannin sent out Major Wallace and several 
other officers to meet the Mexican officer. The Mexican officer 
bore a message from General Urrea, the Mexican commander, 
informing Fannin that he was anxious to avoid further blood¬ 
shed and if Fannin would surrender he would be leniently dealt 
with provided he would surrender at discretion. The Mexican 
officer was advised that the Texans would fight as long as there 
was a man left to fire a gun before they would surrender on 
such terms. 

The Mexicans immediately formed in line for attack, but in¬ 
stead of charging. General Urrea rode out in front of his lines, 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


225 


accompanied by several of his officers and a soldier bearing a 
white flag. Colonel Fannin and Major Wallace went out to meet 
them, and terms of surrender were agreed upon. These terms 
provided that Fannin and his men should be held as prisoners 
of war until exchanged, or liberated on parole of honor not to 
engage in war against Mexico again. When the terms of sur¬ 
render had been fully agreed upon. General Urrea and his sec¬ 
retary came into Fannin’s lines and reduced the agreement to 
writing, and an English translation was made and given to 
Fannin who read it to his men. 

After a short delay Fannin and his men were marched back 
to Goliad, escorted by a detachment of cavalry. There they were 
confined within the walls surrounding the old mission. A few 
days later Major Ward and those of his battalion surviving the 
engagement they had with the Mexicans near Refugio, were 
brought in and confined with Fannin’s men. There was also 
confined with Fannin’s men, a company commanded by Major 
Miller, who had been captured as they landed from a vessel at 
Copano. These latter prisoners were kept separate from Fan¬ 
nin’s men and each had a white cloth tied around his arm. On 
the morning of the sixth day of imprisonment, Fannin’s men 
were confined in the old mission with hardly room to lie down. 
Their rations were reduced to five ounces of fresh beef daily, 
which they had to cook the best they could, without bread or salt. 

On the morning of March 27 a Mexican officer ordered Fan¬ 
nin’s men to prepare for marching. They were told that they 
were to be paroled and that they would sail from Capano to New 
Orleans on a vessel waiting their arrival there. This was joyful 
news to the men and they hurriedly prepared for the trip to 
what they supposed was to freedom, When ready to march they 
were formed into three divisions. One division was carried down 
the road leading to the lower ford of the river, one was marched 
upon the road leading to San Patricio, and the other along the 
road leading to San Antonio. A strong guard accompanied each 
division. Each division was marched about half a mile from 
Goliad, and almost simultaneously the Mexican guards began the 


226 


EOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


slaughter. The majority of the men were killed by the first 
volley of musketry. The wounded were rushed upon and dis¬ 
patched with Mexican bayonets. A few escaped, but most of 
them were overtaken and most brutally butchered. Among those 
who escaped and by a miracle got back to the settlement was 
John C. Duval, from whose account we have prepared this 
sketch of the Battle of Coleto and the Massacre of Fannin and 
His Command. 

Colonel Fannin was confined to his quarters by a wound re¬ 
ceived in the battle of the 19th, and was not marched out with 
his men. He was soon notified, however, to prepare for execution. 
He replied that he was ready and had no desire to live after his 
men had been so cruelly murdered. He was taken out to the 
square in Goliad, seated on a bench and blindfolded. As this was 
done he pulled from his pocket his gold watch and handed it 
to the officer in charge of the guard and requested him to see 
that it reached his wife. He also requested that he be shot in 
the breast and not in the head. The officer took the watch and 
promised to carry out his instructions. He gave orders to the 
guard to fire at Fannin’s head, which they did. Fannin was 
instantly killed and his body thrown into one of the ravines near 
the fort. Thus died as brave and courageous a group of men as 
ever shouldered a gun. And thus died Fannin, the brave and fear¬ 
less defender of his country. His memory will always be cher¬ 
ished by those who admire the brave and good. 

The bodies of Fannin and his comrades were left on the fields 
unburied. After the battle of San Jacinto, General Rusk had 
their bones collected and buried with military honors. 

When the news of this horrible deed reached the settlements 
great indignation was felt, and the Texans became more de¬ 
termined than ever to drive from their border the army of the 
Mexican despot, and San Jacinto told the story of their success. 

Colonel Ward and his men were massacred with those who 
surrendered at Coleto. 

Thirty-three men were detained as surgeons and laborers and 
were later released. 

Twenty-six managed to escape and evaded recapture. 


THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO 


Review of the Events which Brought It About—GeneralHouston 
Leaves the Convention at Old Washington—Takes Command of 
the Army at Gonzales—Retreats to the Brazos—Marches To¬ 
wards Harrisburg—Capture of Mexican Couriers—Crossed Buf¬ 
falo Bayou—Draws His Army into Line and Addresses Them — 
Marches to Lynch ’s Ferry—Establishes Camp to Await Approach 
of Santa Annans Troops—Skirmish on April 20— Orders Charge 
on Santa Annans Troops 21st—The Battle Begins—Santa Annans 
Troops Defeated—Houston Severely Wounded—Rusk Takes 
Command—Capture of Santa Anna — Houston's Official Report 
of the Battle to President Burnet. 

Few battles of the world have been more decisive and tre¬ 
mendous in their influence over civilization than the Battle of 
San Jacinto. It changed the map of the North American Conti¬ 
nent and opened a way for the United States to extend its bound¬ 
ary line to the Rio Grande on the southwest and the Pacific 
Ocean in the far west. It sealed the destiny of the Texas Re¬ 
public; confirmed its Declaration of Independence; drove from 
the country east of the Rio Grande an invading host, and estab¬ 
lished liberty where tyranny sought to enthrone itself. It was a 
just retribution for the heinous crimes committed against a pa¬ 
triotic and brave people by the ruthless invaders. The slaughter 
of the defenders of the Alamo; the murder of Fannin’s command 
at Goliad; the butchery of Ward and King’s troops were the 
compelling events which drove Houston’s brave men to madness 
and caused them to fight like demons when the imperious Mex¬ 
ican despot faced them on the field of battle. 

The events leading up to the Battle of San Jacinto are full 
of tragic interest. The colonists who located in Texas did so with 
no other idea than to support and obey the Mexican constitution 
and laws. They were loyal to Mexican institutions until the 
Mexicans themselves began to trample them underfoot. The 
constitution of 1824 was the organic law of Mexico which guar¬ 
anteed justice to the colonists. But when this constitution was 


228 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


dethroned, it left the colonists without any safeguards for peace, 
life or liberty. One rebellion in Mexico after another followed 
in quick succession and each military chieftain seemed to vie 
with the other to see which could harass the Texas colonists most. 

The coming into power, at the City of jMexico, of Bustamente, 
was followed by a feeling of bitterness against Mexican rule. 
He set aside every measure calculated to hold the colonists in 
accord with Mexican thought and sentiment His (jongrest. passed 
a decree providing for the colonization of convicts in Texas; pro¬ 
hibiting further immigration into the State from the United 
States; establishing military posts in different parts of the State 
whose officers ignored all local and civil authorities of the State 
given by the constitution; imprisoning citizens of the State with- 
outlawful cause, and refusing them the right of trial by civil 
authorities. These measures were resented by the people of 
Texas, and as a result, they drove Bustamente’s military leaders 
from the State and joined in the support of Santa Anna, who 
was leading a revolt against Bustamente. 

As a means of presenting their grievances to the Mexican gov¬ 
ernment, then in the hands of Santa Anna, the people of Texas 
held conventions to unite on measures of relief. But Santa Anna 
gave little heed to these protests as he was planning to abandon 
the constitutional government and declare himself dictator. 
When this was done the Texans realized that their last hope of a 
peaceful settlement of their wrongs was at an end and they 
began to lay plans to protect themselves against further ^lex- 
ican duplicity. When Santa Anna sent an army to Texas to sub¬ 
jugate the State, the Texans drove it from the State. This greatly 
incensed Santa Anna, and he organized forces to invade Texas 
and put to the sword every man who resisted. He divided his 
army into several divisions, one of which he led himself. He 
personally led the troops which fell upon San Antonio and put 
to the sword the brave Texans defending the Alamo. One of his 
divisions fell upon San Patricio and destroyed Johnson and 
Grant’s commands and, hastening on northward, assaulted Fan¬ 
nin on his retreat from Goliad, and after a fierce engagement 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 229 

with the Texans secured their surrender through treachery. A 
more complete account of these events are given in other parts 
of this volume. 

In the meantime the people of Texas had assembled in con¬ 
vention at Washington, IMarch 1, 1836. This convention was 
composed of regularly elected delegates with plenary powers. 
It declared Texas free and independent of Mexico, organized a 
government ad interim^ and elected a president, vice-president, 
a cabinet and a commander-in-chief of the Texas army. 

While the convention was in session most alarming news was 
received from the west of Mexican invasion. A communication 
was received on March 6 from Colonel W. B. Travis, commander 
of the Texas forces at the Alamo, advising that the Alamo was 
being besieged by Santa Anna’s army of several thousand troops. 

The reading of this letter created great excitement among the 
delegates who assembled in the convention hall to hear its con¬ 
tents. “After it was read,’■ said J. W. Moore, one of the dele¬ 
gates, “painful silence prevailed for a brief period. Despair 
was pictured on the faces of the bravest and best. Just what to 
do was a question that puzzled us all. But that immediate action 
was imperative and plainly our duty, was the feeling of all. 
Finally, amidst momentary confusion, delegate Robert Potter 
moved ‘that the convention do immediately adjourn, arm, and 
march to the relief of the Alamo. ’ A death-like stillness followed. 
Delegates seemed to be dazed. The silence was soon broken. Sam 
Houston rose from his seat. All eyes were fastened on his stately 
form. For a moment he stood like marble and, casting his eyes 
over the assembled delegates, he addressed the chair in oppo¬ 
sition to Mr. Potter’s motion. It was a moment fraught with 
tremendous consequences. He told the convention that the fate 
of Texas hung on the acts of the convention; that it would be 
worse than madness for the convention to adjourn before com¬ 
pleting its work; that a declaration of independence without an 
organization to sustain it would make it void. He urged the 
convention to quietly pursue its deliberations and complete its 
labors. Houston spoke with great eloquence and fervor and as- 


230 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


sured the convention that he would start at once for Gonzales 
where he would collect the little army there and go to the rescue 
of the defenders of the Alamo, and guaranteed to them that no 
Mexican army would molest them while performing the labor 
expected of them by the people who sent them to Washington. 
At the close of his address, Houston walked out of the conven¬ 
tion.’’ 

History tells us that in less than one hour Houston w’as on his 
way to Gonzales; that Travis had advised that as long as the 
Alamo held out against Santa Anna’s horde signal guns would 
be fired each day at sunrise. Late at night on the first day, Hous¬ 
ton struck camp near enough to hear the signal gun. At sunrise 
on the following day he put his ear to the ground in an effort 
to hear the distant signal. But, alas! no sound was heard. The 
Alamo had fallen and there was none left to fire the signal gun. 
Houston hastened on to Gonzales weighted with forebodings 
that Travis and his brave band had fallen victims to Mexican 
tyranny. Soon after reaching Gonzales, Houston learned that 
the Alamo fell on the very day that the convention received 
Travis’ appeal. 

On learning of the fate of the defenders of the Alamo, Gen¬ 
eral Houston sent a second express to Fannin, at Goliad, advising 
of the fall of the Alamo and instructing him to aban¬ 
don that fort and fall back to Victoria and the Guadalupe. 
Houston felt that the fate of Texas depended on the union of 
all the forces in the field. Fannin failed to obey Houston’s order 
promptly. He assigned as his reason for this that he was at¬ 
tempting to remove certain families from Refugio before the ap¬ 
proach of the ]\Iexican army. Fannin sent Captain King with 
twenty-eight men to perform this service with instructions to 
return to Goliad as soon as he had removed the families to a 
place of safety. Soon after King arrived at Refugio he was 
threatened by an attack by the advance guard of General Urrea’s 
Mexican army, and he sent a messenger to Fannin asking for 
reinforcements. Fannin then sent Colonel Ward with one hun¬ 
dred and twelve men to King’s aid. Fannin delayed abandoning 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


231 


Goliad waiting the return of these troops. When he did leave 
Goliad he found himself surrounded by the enemy who attacked 
him in the open prairie March 19. A fierce conflict followed. 
Fannin had several of his men killed, and he was badl\' wounded. 
On the following morning he surrendered to the Mexican com¬ 
mander with the agreement that he and his men were to be 
treated as prisoners of war. They were marched back to Goliad. 
On ^larch 27 they were marched out and shot. A few escaped 
and joined their companions and a few were spared, some as 
laborers, mechanics and nurses for the wounded. Captain King 
and his troops were captured and executed. Colonel Ward sur¬ 
rendered with his command to the ^lexicans and was sent back 
to Goliad and executed with Fannin’s command. 

When the news of these disasters reached Houston’s little army 
at Gonzales despair hovered over them. But Houston was not 
dismayed. He mingled with the brave little band and inspired 
them with renewed confidence, and at once prepared to retreat 
towards the Brazos, recruiting during the march by the addition 
of troops who joined him. He reached San Felipe on the second 
day. On March 30 his army reached its destination opposite 
Groce’s on the Brazos. He moved his army on an island of the 
Brazos and remained there until April 11. He constructed a 
narrow bridge to the western bank to enable his scouts to pass 
over that they may keep an eye on the maneuvers of the Mex¬ 
icans. He left a small guard at San Felipe. When Santa Anna 
approached San Felipe the little company of Texans crossed to 
the east side of the Brazos, and built a crude fortification of tim¬ 
bers. When the Mexicans discovered them they opened their ar¬ 
tillery on them. When Houston learned that Santa Anna was 
crossing the Brazos with his army, he dispatched orders to his 
scattered troops to join him on the march to Harrisburg. General 
Thomas J. Rusk, secretary of war in Burnet’s cabinet, joined 
him about this time. The march to Harrisburg was beset with 
many difficulties. Heavy rains made the road almost impass¬ 
able and the baggage wagons had to be unloaded many times to 
enable them to proceed. There was not a tent in the army, and 


232 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


the men slept on the cold and damp ground with the canopy of 
Heaven as their covering. The hardships they endured on this 
march have few parallels in modern history. The fourth day 
brought them to the east side of Buffalo Bayou within two miles 
of Harrisburg. Here Henry Karnes and Deaf Smith swam across 
the bayou in search of information of Santa Anna's army. 
They soon returned with two Mexican couriers bearing dis¬ 
patches from Filisola to Santa Anna. This was the first positive 
information Houston had secured that Santa Anna was per¬ 
sonally in command of these Mexican troops. Orders were at 
once given to cross the bayou. A small boat was used in crossing 
the men and baggage. The horses swam across. 

Before crossing the bayou, Houston let it be known that he 
was in search of Santa Anna, and a battle was to be fought as 
soon as he was located. As soon as the army had all crossed the 
bayou the companies were formed into line, when General Hous¬ 
ton rode up on his horse and addressed them. He told them that 
they must prepare for battle. That the enemy was near, and 
whenever and wherever he was found he proposed to give battle. 
He gave them as the battle cry, “Remember the Alamo.” “Re¬ 
member the Alamo.” Instantly the words were shouted out by 
every man present. General Houston feelingly referred to the 
cruelties of Santa Anna’s army; of the slaughter of Travis, of 
Crocket, of Bowie, of Fannin, of Ward, of King and their com¬ 
panions, and told them that the opportunity for revenge was 
near; that Santa Anna and his army were close at hand; that 
a battle was inevitable and victory was sure. General Rusk fol¬ 
lowed Houston with a strong appeal to the army to act well their 
part in the battle soon to take place. “They are better equipped 
than we and their numbers are greater, but God and Right are 
with us and will give us the victory, ’ ’ he said. 

These addresses greatly inspired every man of the little army 
and they waited only the orders to march. The order was soon 
given, and the little band fell into line without the beat of a 
drum or the floating of banners. This little band of seven hun¬ 
dred men were resolved to conquer or die. And as they marched 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


233 


towards Santa Anna’s troops few words were spoken. Their 
minds and hearts were fixed on home—their families, their coun¬ 
try. Reaching a point a few miles from where the supreme strug¬ 
gle was to be made, the army halted. The weary men took shelter 
under the cover of a grove, and lying down on their rifles, slept 
a short time. General Houston rose at daybreak. Pickets were 
advanced from every direction and scouts sent out. The scouts 
soon returned with information that Santa Anna with his army 
was not far distant. As soon as the scouts returned with the in¬ 
formation that Santa Anna’s army had been located, fires were 
built preparatory to the cooking of the beeves previously dressed. 
Before much progress with the cooking had been made, the scouts 
reported that Santa Anna was marching up from New Washing¬ 
ton to cross the Bayou at Lynchburg. Houston determined to 
prevent this, and he gave orders to march down the bayou. The 
men abandoned their cooking and prepared for the march. When 
they reached the ferry at the junction of Buffalo Bayou and 
San Jacinto River they learned that Santa Anna had not ef¬ 
fected a crossing. The Texans took possession of the new boat 
Santa Anna had had constructed and moved it up opposite their 
camp. In a beautiful grove, semicircular in form, on the margin 
of a prairie, Houston posted his army. His force was concealed 
by the timber and he planted his artillery on the brow of the 
timber. The Texans were ready for battle, but as Santa Anna’s 
army had not yet arrived, they lighted their fires to complete 
the cooking which they had just before abandoned. The fires 
had scarcely been lighted when scouts rushed into camp announc¬ 
ing that the Mexicans were in sight. Santa Anna’s bugler 
sounded a charge. Santa Anna thought he had surprised the 
Texans, but instead, he was surprised by a discharge of the Tex¬ 
ans ’ artillery, and the Mexicans were driven back. This occurred 
about ten o’clock on April 20. The skirmish concluded with the 
retirement of Santa Anna and his army to a swell in the prairie 
with timber and water in the rear, where he commenced the con¬ 
struction of breastworks. Houston expressed satisfaction over 
the result of the engagement and said to one of his officers that 


234 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


he felt certain that by protracting the engagement he would 
have defeated Santa Anna’s army, but it would have been at¬ 
tended with heavy losses of his men. ‘ ‘ While tomorrow, ’ ’ he said, 
“I will conquer, slaughter and put to flight the entire Mexican 
army, and it shall not cost me a dozen of my brave men. ’ ’ 

The Texan army retired to their camp and refreshed them¬ 
selves for the first time in two days. ‘ ‘ The enemy, ’ ’ said General 
Houston in his official report, “in the meantime extended the 
right flank of their infantry, so as to occupy the extreme point 
of a skirt of timber on the bank of Buffalo Bayou, and secured 
their left by a fortification about five feet high, constructed of 
pack and baggage, leaving an opening in the center of their 
breastworks, in which their artillery was placed—the cavalry 
upon the left wing.” 

The opportune moment long hoped for by General Houston 
had almost arrived. As his little army faced the Mexican army 
on the afternoon of the 20th, they were eager to begin the con¬ 
flict. But General Houston had not thoroughly worked out his 
plan of attack and the opportune moment had not arrived. But on 
that fateful April 21, he summoned for consultation his officers, 
and laying his plans before them, he bade them prepare for bat¬ 
tle. The opportune moment had arisen. 

At three o’clock in the afternoon of April 21, 1836, the little 
Texan army was drawn up in battle array waiting for the order 
to charge. The ^lexican army was concealed behind their breast¬ 
works, feeling secure and looking down with contempt upon the 
litte Texan army. Santa Anna quietly rested in his tent under 
the delusion that the Texans would never attack him. His army 
had been reinforced by the arrival of about five hundred well- 
trained men under General Cos, and Santa Anna and his troops 
were in high spirits. They were gloating over the slaughter of 
the defenders of the Alamo and the brave troops under Fannin, 
Ward and King, and were waiting for the opportunity to butcher 
the only remaining defenders of the Republic. They imagined 
that their task was an easy one, and the soldiers in the ranks 
grew impatient because of delay. But they knew little of the 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


235 


Texans’ spirit. They imagined that the slaughter at the Alamo, 
at Goliad, at Refugio, at San Patricio had sent terror to the 
Texans’ hearts. But this was a fatal delusion. These heinous 
crimes only aroused their determination to seek restitution and 
when the order to charge was given they rushed into the 
face of the iNlexican cannons with an impetuosity unparalleled 
in modern war-fare. The conflict lasted only about seventeen min¬ 
utes. Santa Anna’s army of trained veterans in war were either 
put to the sword or routed and Santa Anna, the self-styled ‘Na¬ 
poleon of the West,’ fled a fallen hero to be captured the fol¬ 
lowing day while hiding in the brambles. 

Before the order to charge was given the “Twin Sisters,” two 
six-pound camions, had commenced a steady fire of grape and 
canister, which did heavy damage wherever they struck. The war 
cry, “Remember the Alamo-! Remember the Alamo! and 
Goliad! ’ ’ was shouted out with the order to charge by General 
Houston. The effect was instantaneous and aroused within the 
heart of every Texan the determination to win or die. The shouts 
of the Texans rent the air and drove terror to the ^lexican in¬ 
vaders. As the charge was being made in all its fury, Deaf 
Smith rushed along the line, swinging an axe over his head, and 
exclaimed in a stentorian voice: “I have destroyed Vince’s 
Bridge—fight for your lives, and Remember the Alamo!” At 
this moment, the Texans in solid phalanx rushed forward with- 
relentless fury upon the breastworks of the INIexicans. At the 
head of the center column rode General Houston into the face 
of the foe. The iNlexican army was drawn up in perfect order. 
The Texans rushed on without firing a single shot, but as they 
approached the breastworks, the Mexican lines flashed with a 
storm of bullets, but the god of war was with the Texans and 
the Mexican bullets flew over their heads. The Texans pressed 
forward in spite of the fact that their commander had been 
badly wounded. Each man reserved his fire until he could choose 
some particular Mexican and before the Mexicans could reload, 
discharged his rifle into the very breast of the enemy. The Tex¬ 
ans were without bayonets and they converted their rifles into 


236 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


war clubs. A desperate hand to hand struggle took place all 
along the breastworks. When the Texans had, by smashing in the 
skulls of the i\Iexicans, broken off their rifles at the breach, they 
flung the remnants at the terrified Mexicans, and drawing their 
pistols, continued the slaughter. When their pistols were emptied 
they threw them at the heads of the terrified enemies and drew 
their bowie knives and carved their way through “dense masses 
of living flesh.’’ 

The Mexicans fought bravely, but the vengeance which fired 
the Texans’ breasts was fierce and relentless. They were fight¬ 
ing for their homes, their families, their dead kindred, and the 
undying rights of civil and religious liberty. They battled as 
none but men free-born, and determined to die free, can ever 
fight. For a brief period the Mexican officers and men main¬ 
tained a firm stand. As fast as they fell, the Texans trod them 
underfoot, and rushed over the groaning and bleeding, the dead, 
the dying, to plunge their weapons into the bosoms of those in 
the rear. When the Mexicans fully realized that the onslaught 
of the Texans could not be resisted they fled in dismay to be 
stabbed in the back. Many fell to their knees and cried out in 
pleading accent: ‘ ‘ ^le no Alamo! ]Me no Alamo! Me no Alamo! ’ ’ 
No claim for mercy occurred to them but to disclaim participa¬ 
tion in that brutal affray. But the Texans heeded not their ap¬ 
peals for mercy, remembering that no mercy had been shown 
their friends and companions by this same merciless band of 
invaders in their march from the Rio Grande to San Jacinto. 
The Texans felt that extermination was the safest protection 
against further invasion. 

While the slaughter was going on at the breastworks, the right 
and left wings of the enemy were being routed with equal success. 

The general plan of attack is described by General Houston in 
his official report made to President Burnet on April 25. In this 
report he says: “The First Regiment, under the command of 
Colonel Sydney Sherman, formed the left wing of the army. 
The artillery, under the special command of Colonel George W. 
Hockley, Inspector-General, was placed on the right of the First 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


237 


Kegiment, and four companies of infantry, under the command 
of Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Millard, sustained the artillery 
upon the right. Our cavalry, sixty-one in number, commanded 
by Colonel IMirabeau B. Lamar, placed on our extreme right, 
completed our line. Our cavalry was first dispatched to the 
front of the enemy’s left, for the purpose of attracting their 
notice, whilst an extensive island of timber afforded us an op¬ 
portunity of concentrating our forces and displaying from that 
point agreeably to the previous design, of the troops. Every 
evolution was performed with alacrity, the whole advancing in 
line, and through an open prairie without any protection what¬ 
ever for our men. The artillery advanced, and took station 
within two hundred yards of the enemy’s breastworks.” 

It is impossible for language to describe the scene of the con¬ 
flict. Even those who participated in it were unable to ade¬ 
quately picture it. Each was so intent on performing the task 
assigned to him that he gave little heed to what was happening 
around him. 

Dr. William Carey Crane, in his most valuable book, ^^The 
Life and Literary Remains of Sam Houston/^ says this of the 
events following the Texans’ victory: “The Texans chased the 
flying Mexicans far over the prairie, following up the indiscrim¬ 
inate slaughter, and leaving on the ground where the battle be¬ 
gan, a larger number than their own, living, dying, or dead. At¬ 
tempting to escape through the tall grass, multitudes were over¬ 
taken and killed. The enemy’s cavalry were well mounted. 
When they saw that further resistance was fruitless, spurring 
their fast horses, they directed their course toward Vince’s 
Bridge. The victors hotly pursued them. When they reached 
the stream, to their horror they saw the bridge was gone. Ap¬ 
palled and desperate, some of the flying horsemen spurred their 
horses down the steep bank; some dismounted and plunged into 
the stream; some became entangled in their trappings, and were 
dragged with their struggling horses: others sunk to the bottom, 
and those who succeeded with their horses in reaching the opposite 


238 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


bank, fell backward into the stream. The Texan pursuers as they 
came up, poured a deadly fire upon the Mexicans struggling 
with the flood. Escape was impossible. By hundreds, men and 
horses rolled together. Blood discolored the stream; dying 
gurgles mingled with the splashing of the waters. 

“Never before has history recorded an event in such words: 
‘The deep, turbid stream was literally choked with the dead.’ 
In the rear of the battle-ground near the ^lexican encampment, 
on the southern verge of the Island of Trees, a spectacle of 
equal strangeness and horror was witnessed. Many had rushed 
to this spot as their last hope. The opportunity of escape in this 
quarter was slight. A deep morass exhibited no inconsiderable 
barrier to passage. Horses and mules with their riders plunged 
into the mire to be completely submerged. Texan riflemen pre¬ 
vented the escape of any one likely to escape. The bodies of 
dead mules, horses and men made a bridge across the morass. 

“Almonte, with two hundred and fifty cooler, if not braver 
men, prepared on the Island of Trees to resist or surrender 
rather than fly. Rallying as large a body of men as could be as¬ 
sembled, Houston prepared to lead his men to a charge, but his 
noble horse, that had gallantly borne his rider throughout the 
battle, staggered and fell dead with seven balls in his body. In 
dismounting, General Houston struck upon his wounded leg 
and fell to the earth. ^ * General Houston immediately called 

for General Rusk, and gave him the command. * * * General 
Rusk, with the newly formed company, advanced upon the last 
remnant of the Mexican army. Almonte, its commander, saved 
the necessity of a conflict, and came forAvard and promptly sur¬ 
rendered his sword. 

The battlefield of San Jacinto Avas won.” 

General Houston cast a glance oA^er the battlefield and said to 
his comrades: “I think now, gentlemen, we are not likely to have 
any more trouble today. I believe I will return to camp.” The 
resistance to the arms of Texas had ceased. General Houston 
slowly rode from the field of victory to the oak at the foot of 
which he had slept the previous night. As he reached the oak. 


ROMAXCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


239 


he fainted and would have fallen from his horse had not Colonel 
Hockley caught him and laid him down at the foot of the tree. 

General Rusk soon appeared and presented to General Hous¬ 
ton his prisoner. General Almonte. It w^as the finishing stroke 
to a glorious victory. 

General Rusk placed guard over the captured supplies which 
consisted of 900 English muskets, 300 sabres, 200 pistols, 300 
mules, 100 horses, provisions, clothing, tents, paraphernalia for 
officers and men, and $12,000 in silver. 

The Texans’ victory was complete. The little band of heroes 
had conquered an army superior in training and equipment and 
nearly three times larger. Only three Texans lost their lives 
and 23 were wounded, six mortally. The Mexicans killed were 
630. Of this number one was a general, four colonels, two lieu- 
tenant-colonels, five captains, and twelve lieutenants. The 
wounded numbered 208, of which number five were colonels, 
three lieutenant-colonels, two second lieutenant-colonels, seven 
captains, and one cadet. The prisoners numbered 730. President- 
General Santa Anna, General Cos, four colonels (aides to gen¬ 
eral Santa Anna) and the colonel of the Guerrere Battalion were 
included among the number. 

That night the Texans rested in security. The wounded were 
cared for, and the following day those who lost their lives were 
buried. 

A detachment of men was sent out the day following the bat¬ 
tle to bury the ^Mexican slain. The troops soon returned with 
the report that “decomposition had taken place so rapidly that 
it was impossible to execute the order.” This created great sur¬ 
prise. The Mexican prisoners accounted for the “rapid de¬ 
composition” to the same “malignant blast of destiny that 
caused their defeat the previous day.” 

The little Texas army arose the following morning early, and 
after partaking of a hastily prepared breakfast, began scouring 
the surrounding territory for ^Mexicans who had escaped the 
slaughter of the previous day. General Houston gave special 
instructions to make a diligent search for Santa Anna. “You 


240 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


will find the Hero of Tampico, if you find him at all,” said Gen¬ 
eral Houston, ‘'making his retreat on all-fours, and he will be 
dressed as bad at least as a common soldier. Examine every man 
you find closely.” In the afternoon, Lieutenant Sylvester, Joel 
W. Robison and others, espied a Mexican making his way to¬ 
ward Vince’s bridge. They pursued him. As soon as he realized 
that he had been discovered, he hid himself in the high grass and 
brambles. Sylvester rushed after him. As he reached him, he 
rose from the ground and faced his captor. He was dressed in 
miserable garb, wearing a skin cap, a round jacket, blue cotton 
pantaloons and a pair of soldier’s shoes. Beneath that garb Syl¬ 
vester espied a shirt of the finest linen-cambric. “You are an 
officer, 1 perceive,” said Sylvester, lifting his cap politely. “No, 
soldier,” Santa Anna replied. He was carried to the Texans’ 
camp and delivered to General Houston. 

Another chapter, entitled “The Capture and Deportation of 
Santa-Anna,” gives a more complete account of Santa Anna’s 
capture and we will not cumber this one with a recital of this 
tragic event. 

An escaped officer from Santa Anna’s defeated army suc¬ 
ceeded in reaching General Filisola’s camp a few’ hours after 
the battle. When the news of Santa Anna’s rout w’as conveyed 
to Pilisola’s army, great excitement prevailed, and a preparation 
for flight was immediately made. The escaping officer reached 
Filisola ’s camp at night. Filisola did not wait for the return of 
day, but began his flight from the country at once. 

The day following Santa Anna’s capture he wrote a dispatch 
to General Filisola ordering him to remove his troops out of 
Texas at once. General Houston ordered a guard of 250 men to 
accompany the bearer of the dispatch. The guard hastened for¬ 
ward to overtake Filisola’s retreating army and delivered the 
dispatch. General Filisola. received them courteously and as¬ 
sured the Texans that he would obey Santa Anna’s orders. 

Thus the last remnant of Santa Anna’s invading army, escap¬ 
ing the disaster at San Jacinto, abandoned the State, carrying 
with them the recollections of a fearful scourge and proud that 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


241 


they, too, had not been caught in the trap set for them by General 
Houston. 

On April 25, General Houston made to President Burnet his 
official report of the skirmish on April 20, and the battle on 
April 21. And to make the record complete, we are giving this 
report in full, as follows: 

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY 
San Jacinto 

April 25, 1836. 

Sir: I regret extremely that my situation since the battle of 
the 21st has been such as to prevent my rendering you my of¬ 
ficial report of the same previous to this. 

I have the honor to inform you that on the evening of the 18th, 
after a forced march of fifty-five miles, which was effected in 
two days and a half, the army arrived opposite Harrisburg. That 
evening a courier of the enemy was taken, from whom I learned 
that General Santa Anna, with one division of his choice troops, 
had marched in the direction of Lynch’s Ferry, on the San Ja¬ 
cinto, burning Harrisburg as he passed down. The army was 
ordered to be in readiness to march the next morning. The main 
body effected a crossing over Buffalo Bayou below Harrisburg 
on the morning of the 19th, having left the baggage, the sick and 
a sufficient guard in the rear. We continued the march through¬ 
out the night, making but one halt in the prairie for a short time 
and without refreshment. At daylight we resumed the line of 
march, and in a short distance our scouts encountered those of 
the enemy, and we received the information that General Santa 
Anna was at New' Washington and would that day take up the 
line of march for Anahuac, crossing at Lynch’s Ferry. The 
Texan army halted within half a mile of the ferry in some tim¬ 
ber, and were engaged in slaughtering beeves when the army of 
Santa Anna was discovered to be approaching in battle array, 
having been encamped in Klopper’s Point, eight miles below. 
Disposition was immediately made of our forces and preparation 
for his reception. He took a position with his infantry and ar- 


242 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


tillery in the center, occupying an island of timber, his cavalry 
covering the left flank. The artillery, consisting of one double 
fortified medium brass twelve-pounder, then opened on our en¬ 
campment. The infantry in column advanced with the design of 
charging our lines, but were repulsed by a discharge of grape 
and canister from our artillery, consisting of two six-pounders. 
The enemy had occupied a piece of timber within rifle shot of 
the left wing of our army, from which an occasional interchange 
of small arms took place between the troops, until the enemy 
withdrew to a position on the bank of the San Jacinto, about 
three-quarters of a mile from our encampment, and commenced 
fortifications. A short time before sunset our mounted men, 
about eighty-five in number, under the special command of Col¬ 
onel Sherman, marched out for the purpose of reconnoitering the 
enemy. While advancing they received a volley from the left 
of the enemy’s infantry, and after a sharp re-counter with their 
cavalry, in which our men acted extremely well and performed 
some feats of daring chivalry, they retired in good order, having 
had two men severely wounded and several horses killed. In the 
meantime the infantry, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel 
IMillard, and Colonel Burleson’s regiment, with the artillery, had 
marched out for the purpose of covering the retreat of the cav¬ 
alry if necessary. All then fell back in good order to our encamp¬ 
ment about sunset and remained without any ostensible action 
until the 21st, about 8:30 o’clock, taking the first refreshment 
which they enjoyed for two days. The enemy in the meantime 
extended the right flank of their infantry so as to occupy the 
extreme point of a skirt of timber on the bank of the San Ja¬ 
cinto, and secured their left by a fortification about five feet 
high, constructed of packs and baggage, leaving an opening in 
the center of the breastwork in which their artillery was placed, 
their cavalry upon their left wing. 

About 9 o’clock in the morning of the 21st, the enemy were re¬ 
enforced by 500 choice troops under the command of General 
Gos, increasing their effective force to upward of 1500 men, 
while our aggregate force for the field numbered 788. At 3:30 


EOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


243 


o’clock in the evening I ordered the officers of the Texan army 
to parade their respective commands, having in the meantime 
ordered the bridge on the only road communicating with the 
Tirazos, distant eight miles from our encampment, to be de¬ 
stroyed, thus cutting off all possibility of escape. Our troops 
paraded with alacrity and with spirit and were anxious for the 
contest. Their conspicuous disparity in numbers seemed only 
to increase their enthusiasm and confidence, and heighten their 
anxiety for the conflict. Our situation afforded me an oppor¬ 
tunity of making the arrangements preparatory to the attack 
without exposing our designs to the enemy. The First Regiment, 
commanded by Colonel Burleson, was assigned to the center. 
The Second Regiment, under the command of Colonel Sherman, 
formed the left wing of the army. The artillery, under the spe¬ 
cial command of Colonel George W. Hockley, Inspector-General, 
was placed on the right of the First Regiment, and four com¬ 
panies of infantry, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel 
Henry Millard, sustained the artillery upon the right. Our cav¬ 
alry, 61 in number, commanded by Colonel Mirabeau B. Lamar 
(whose gallant and daring conduct on the previous day had at¬ 
tracted the admiration of his comrades and called him to that 
station), placed on our extreme right, completed our line. Oiir 
cavalry was first dispatched to the front of the enemy’s left for 
the purpose of attracting their notice, while an extensive island 
of timber afforded us opportunity of concentrating our forces 
and displaying from that point, agreeably to the previous de¬ 
sign of the troops. Every evolution was performed with alacrity, 
the whole advancing rapidly in line, and through an open 
prairie without ahy protection whatever for our men. The ar¬ 
tillery advanced and took position within 200 yards of the 
enemy’s breastwork and commenced an effective fire with grape 
and canister. 

Colonel Sherman and his regiment having commenced the ac¬ 
tion upon our left wing, the whole line, at the center and on the 
right, advanced in double quick time, shouting the war cry, 
“Remember the Alamo!” receiving the enemy’s fire and ad- 


244 ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 

vancing within point blank shot before a piece was discliarged 
from our lines. Our line advanced without a halt until they were 
in possession of the woods and the enemy’s breastworks, the 
right wing of Burleson’s and the left wing of Millard’s taking 
possession of the breastworks — our artillery having gallantly 
charged up to within seventy yards of the enemy’s cannon, when 
it was taken by our troops. The conflict lasted about eighteen 
minutes from the time of close action until we were in possession 
of the enemy’s encampment, taking one piece of cannon (loaded), 
four stands of colors, all their camp equippage, stores and bag¬ 
gage. Our cavalry had charged and routed that of the enemy 
upon the right and given pursuit to the fugitives, which did not 
cease until they arrived at the bridge which I have mentioned 
before. Captain Karnes—always among the foremost in dan¬ 
ger—commanded the pursuit. The conflict in the breastworks 
lasted but a few moments; many of the troops encountered the 
enemy hand to hand, and not having the advantage of bayonets 
on our side, our riflemen used their pieces as war clubs, breaking 
many of them off at the breech. The rout commenced at 4:30 
and the pursuit by the main army continued until twilight. A 
guard was then left in charge of the enemy’s encampment, and 
our army returned wdth their killed and wounded. In the battle 
our loss was two killed and 20 wounded, six of them mortally. 
The enemy’s loss was 630 killed, among whom was one general, 
four colonels, two lieutenant-colonels, five captains and 12 lieu¬ 
tenants. Wounded, 208, of which were five colonels, three lieu- 
tenawt-colonels, seven captains and one cadet ; prisoners, 730. 
President-General Santa Anna, General Cos, four colonels—aides 
to Santa Anna—and colonel of the Guerrero Battalion are in¬ 
cluded in the number. General Santa Anna was not taken until 
the 22nd, General Cos on yesterday, very few having escaped. 
About 600 muskets, 300 sabers, and 200 pistols have been col¬ 
lected since the action; several hundred mules and horses were 
taken and near $12,000 in specie. For several days previous to 
the action our troops were engaged in forced marches, exposed to 
excessive rains, and the additional inconvenience of bad roads. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


245 


illy supported with rations and clothing, yet amid every diffi¬ 
culty they bore up with cheerfulness and fortitude and per¬ 
formed their marches with alacrity. There was no murmuring. 

Previous to and during the action, my staff evinced every dis¬ 
position to be useful and were actively engaged in their duties. 
In the conflict I am assured that they demeaned themselves in 
such a manner as proved them worthy of the army of San Ja¬ 
cinto. Colonel T. J. Rusk, Secretary of War, was on the field. 
For weeks his services have been highly beneficial in our army. 
In battle he was on the left wing, where Colonel Sherman’s com¬ 
mand first encountered and drove the enemy; he bore himself 
gallantly and continued his efforts and activity, remaining with 
the pursuers until resistance ceased. 

I have the honor of transmitting a list of all the officers and 
men who were engaged in the action, which I respectfully re¬ 
quest may be published an an act of justice to the individuals. 
For the commanding general to attempt discrimination as to the 
conduct of those who commanded, or those who were commanded, 
would be impossible. Our success in the action is conclusive proof 
of much daring, intrepidity and courage; every officer and man 
proved himself worthy of the cause in which he battled, while 
the humanity which characterized their conduct after the victory 
richly entitles them to the admiration and gratitude of their 
general. Nor should we withhold the tribute of our grateful 
thanks from that Being Who rules the destinies of nations, and 
has in time of greatest need enabled us to arrest a powerful in¬ 
vader while devastating our country. 

I have the honor to be, with high consideration. 

Your obedient servant, 

Sam Houston, 
Commander-in-Chief. 

Appended to this report were given the names of all the par¬ 
ticipants in the battle. 



CAPTURE AND DEPORTATION OF SANTA ANNA 

Santa Anna Deserts His Army and Attempts to Escape—Is Cap-, 
tured and Led a Prisoner to General Houston—Pleads for Mercy 
-^Attempts to Justify His Crimes—Is Held a Prisoner—Lamar 
Favors His Execution—Signs Two Treaties—Is Taken from Ves¬ 
sel Abdut to Sail with Him to Vera Cruz—Is Turned Over to the 
Military—Attempt on His Life—Released by President Houston , 
—Goes to Washington—Repudiates Loan—Return to 
Mexico—Cool Reception. 

When the thunder of adversity broke over Santa Anna on 
that fateful April twenty-first, he imagined that the ground 
upon which he stood was moved and shaken, for he wrote, ‘ ‘ So 
sudden and fierce was the enemy’s charge that the earth seemed 
to move and tremble. ” And when he saw the sceptre of his 
power depart, like the morning vapor from the vale, he slunk 
away, seeking safety along the reed-covered bank of a summer 
rill. Defeat dulled his intellect and crushed his spirit, and fear 
took possession of his soul. As he wandered, solitary and alone, 
in the deep tangle woods, seeking a refuge of safety, the cry of 
the riflemen, “Remember the Alamo,” “Remember Goliad,” 
pierced his ears and he imagined he could hear the groans of 
the maimed and dying at the Alamo and at Goliad—at San 
Patricio and Refugio. Like a vision, the spirits of Travis, of 
Bowie, of Crockett, of Fannin, of King, of Ward and other 
martyrs of his foul deeds, hovered over him and shut out the 
light of hope. Cringing like the coward he was, he neither slept 
nor found rest. He admitted this when he wrote, “The night 
was chilly, and I could neither sleep nor rest.” 

The imagination cannot picture his gloomy forebodings and 
the words, ‘ ‘ an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, ’ ’ were painted 
on the canopied heavens, and he could almost feel the hang- 
mairs rope drawing tighter and tighter around his neck. And 
when Sylvester and Robison appeared in the distance, he bended 
his form like a beast of the forest and hid in the brambles. But 


248 


KOMANCE AND TKAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


it was adversity’s hour. His star was sinking and fading and, 
pleading for mercy, which he had never shown his victims, he 
yielded to his captors and, astride a mustang, he was led a pris¬ 
oner to the camp of his conqueror. 

Sylvester and his squad who captured Santa Anna were un¬ 
aware that they held as a prisoner the Dictator of Mexico, the 
commander of the Mexican army—the self-styled Napoleon of 
the West. But as soon as he was observed by the Mexican pris¬ 
oners his identity was made known by their loud acclaim, “El 
Presidente! El Presidente! ’ ’ The prisoner was led before Gen¬ 
eral Houston, who, badly wounded, lay prone upon a mattress 
under the shadow of a large spreading oak, which was his head¬ 
quarters. As Santa Anna approached General Houston, he 
bowed low and said, “I am General Antonio Lopez de Santa 
Anna, a prisoner of war, at your disposal.” 

As these words fell from his lips, the angry Texas soldiers 
crowded around Houston displaying a desire for vengeance. 
Houston remained calm and quieted the excited, surging Texans, 
and requested Santa Anna to take a seat. This he did, trembling 
with fear. General Houston called Major Moses Austin Bryan 
to his side as interpreter. Santa Anna at once began to treat 
for freedom, offering money for his release. General Houston 
advised that this was a matter to be negotiated with the govern¬ 
ment of Texas. Santa Anna replied: “You can afford to be 
generous: you have conquered the Napoleon of the West.” 

“What right have you to plead for mercy, when you showed 
none at the Alamo?” replied General Houston. 

Here Santa Anna manifested a confused state of mind, but 
summoning up his courage and casting a furtive glance at the 
excited group of Texas soldiers surrounding him, he said: 

“By the rules of war, when a fortress refuses to surrender, 
and is taken by assault, the prisoners are always doomed to 
death.’ ’ 

Such a rule is a disgrace to the civilization of the nineteenth 
century, snapped General Houston and, continuing, asked, “By 
what rule do you justify the massacre at Goliad.?” 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


249 


“This question/’ said Major Moses Austin Bryan, “caused 
Santa Anna to move in his seat. His eyes wandered a moment 
as if he was seeking poise, he turned to General Houston, and 
said: 

“I had orders from my government to execute all prisoners 
taken bearing arms.” 

This answer annoyed General Houston, who, by this time, was 
growing impatient. Looking Santa Anna straight in the face, 
he said; 

“You were the Government. A Dictator has no superior. 
Your butchery at the Alamo and at Goliad has no equal for 
cruelty, and it cannot be justified under any pretext. 

To this Santa Anna made no reply, but eyed constantly the 
excited group of soldiers who were pressing nearer as the con¬ 
ference progressed. Breaking the silence. General Houston said: 

“You must write an order at once demanding that all your 
troops in Texas abandon the State at once and return to Mexico 
and their homes.” 

General Houston emphasized the words “and their homes.” 

“I will do that at once,” replied Santa Anna. 

This Santa Anna did, and the orders were dispatched by 
trusted messengers selected by General Houston. 

What disposition to make of Santa Anna grew to be a vexing 
question. The clamor of the soldiers was general that his life 
should atone for the inhuman brutalities perpetrated by him, 
or under his orders. But owing to the high esteem they had for 
General Houston, there was, at that time, no concerted movement 
to take him from his guards, but quietly permitted his disposi¬ 
tion to rest with General Houston until the arrival at San Ja¬ 
cinto of President Burnet, when he would assume the responsibil¬ 
ity for his detention and disposition. 

As soon as President Burnet could get the members of his cab¬ 
inet together he convened his cabinet to take some action regard 
ing the disposition of Santa Anna. President Burnet let his cab¬ 
inet know he favored a treaty-agreement with Santa Anna, on 
the plea of policy and national faith, as the prisoner had been 
pledged personal safety by his conqueror. General Houston. 


250 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY’ 


General Rusk also favored this course. The question was dis¬ 
cussed at length. After the matter had been considered, the cab¬ 
inet stood Burnet, Rusk and Hardeman for a treaty-agreement, 
and Lamar, Potter and Collingsworth opposed. Vice-President 
Zavala declined to express his views. At this juncture. President 
Burnet produced a treaty-agreement which he proposed should 
be submitted to Santa Anna. Mr. Zavala was appointed to pre¬ 
sent it to Santa Anna, after which the cabinet adjourned. 

At the meeting of the cabinet the following day, Mr. Rusk 
was transferred from the position of secretary of war to that of 
commander of the army to succeed General Houston, who re¬ 
signed that he may go to New Orleans for medical attention. 
Mr. Lamar was oppointed secretary of war to succeed Mr. Rusk. 
Colonel Peter W. Grayson was appointed to succeed ^Ir. Lamar 
as attorney-general. No formal discussion of the proposed 
treaty-agreement with Santa Anna was had, and nothing more 
was heard of the subject until the government made its head¬ 
quarters at Velasco, except that the cabinet A\as informed by 
President Burnet that Santa Anna had indicated his readiness 
to sign the treaty-agreement, but that he desired that two 
treaties, instead of one, be drawn; one a secret treaty, and the 
other for publication. Santa Anna claimed that the publication 
of all the articles to the treaty-agreement would operate preju¬ 
dicially to him in Mexico, and that the withholding from the 
public some of the provisions of the treaty-agreement would 
place him in a better position to carry out their provisions when 
he returned to Mexico. 

Accordingly, two treaties were drawn, one to be known as the 
public treaty, and the other to be known as the secret treaty. 

When Mr. Lamar realized that the cabinet was determined to 
make a treaty-agreement with Santa Anna, he addressed a com¬ 
munication to the cabinet protesting vehemently against its rat¬ 
ification. This protest tended to inflame the minds of those who 
desired that Santa Anna be executed. Mr. Lamar’s arraign¬ 
ment of Santa Anna was severe. It bore date of May 12. He said : 

“I will in the first place premise that the different conclusions 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


251 


at which we have arrived in former discussions in relation to our 
distinguished prisoner, has arisen from the fact that whilst he 
has been considered by most of the cabinet exclusively as a pris¬ 
oner of war, I have been disposed to regard him more as an ap¬ 
prehended murderer. The conduct of General Santa Anna will 
not permit me to view him in any other light. A chieftain bat¬ 
tling for what he conceives to be the rights of his country, how¬ 
ever mistaken in his views, may be privileged to make hot and 
vigorous war upon the foe; but when, in violation of all princi¬ 
ples of civilized conflict, he avows and acts upon the revolting 
policy of extermination and rapine, slaying the surrendering, 
and plundering whom he slays, he forfeits the consideration of 
mankind by sinking the character of the hero into that of an 
abhorred murderer. The President of Mexico has pursued such 
a war upon the citizens of this Republic. He has caused to be 
published to the world a decree denouncing as pirates beyond the 
reach of his clemency, all who shall be found rallying round the 
standard of our Independence. In accordance with this decree, 
he has turned over to the sword the bravest and best of our 
friends and fellow-citizens, after they had grounded their arms, 
under the most solemn pledge that their lives should be spared. 
He has fired our dwellings; laid waste our luxuriant fields; ex¬ 
cited servile and insurrectionary war; violated plighted faith; 
and inhumanly ordered the cold-blooded butchery of prisoners 
who had been betrayed into capitulation by heartless professions. 
I humbly conceive that the proclamation of such principles, and 
the perpetration of such crimes, place the offender out of the 
pale of negotiation, and demand at our hands other treatment 
than what is due a mere prisoner of war. Instinct condemns him 
as a murderer, and reason justifies the verdict. Nor should the 
ends of justice be averted because of the exalted station of the 
criminal; or be made to give way to the suggestions of interest 
or any cold consideration of policy. He who sacrifices human life 
at the shrine of ambition is a murderer, and deserves the punish¬ 
ment and infamy of one. The higher the offender, the greater 
reason for its infliction. I am therefore of the opinion that our 


252 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


prisoner, General Santa Anna, has forfeited his life by the great¬ 
est of all crimes, and is not a suitable object for the exercise of 
our pardoning prerogative. 

“The detention of Santa Anna in Texas, until a treaty of 
peace is formed, will strip him of all power in Mexico; and this 
will be mercy to that nation; perhaps to mankind. He will re¬ 
turn to the land that has groaned under his despotism, a tooth¬ 
less viper, with the malevolence to strike, but without a fang to 
wound. Upon his downfall will rise the advocate of liberal princi¬ 
ples, and the friends of free government. Humanity will rejoice 
at the respite from blood, and the agitated waves of society will 
be smoothed and tranquilized by the oil of peace. The ends of 
justice may not be fully attained, but the brave patriots whose 
rights have been crushed in the march of this ruthless rioter in 
blood, will feel some consolation in the reflection, that though 
he escape the proper expiation of crime, he will experience in 
the reverse of fortune some retribution for his merciless wars, 
waged against human liberty and human life.” 

Mr. Lamar’s protest, which was given wide circulation, did 
not deter the cabinet from carrying out its determination to 
ratify these two treaty-agreements with Santa Anna. So when it 
met in Velasco, May 14, the two treaty-agreements were taken 
up for consideration. It developed that during the interim Col¬ 
onel Collingsworth had changed his views. The new member of 
the cabinet. Colonel Peter W. Grayson, also favored the treaties. 
Vice-President Zavala voted with the majority, favoring the 
treaties. Mr. Potter being absent, the cabinet stood four for rat¬ 
ification to one opposing. Mr. Lamar cast the opposing vote. 

The public treaty-agreement read as follows: 

ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT entered into, between His Excellency, 
David G. Burnet, President of the Republic of Texas, of the one part, and 
General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, President, General-in-Chief of the 
Mexican Army, of the other part. 

Article 1. General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna agrees that he will not 
take up arms, nor will he exercise his influence to cause them to be taken 
up, against the people of Texas during the present war of independence. 

Article 2. All hostilities between the Mexican and Texas troops will cease 
immediately, both on land and water. 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


253 


Article 3. The Mexican troops will evacuate the Territory of Texas, pass¬ 
ing to the other side of the Rio Grande del Norte. 

Article 4, The Mexican army in its retreat shall not take the property 
of any person without his consent and just indemnification, using only such 
articles as may be necessary for its subsistence in cases where the owner 
may not be present; and remitting to the Commander of the Army of 
Texas, or to the Commissioners to be appointed for the adjustment of such 
matters, an account of the value of the property consumed, the place where 
taken, and the name of the owner, if it can be ascertained. 

Article 5. That all private property, including cattle, horses, negro slaves, 
or indentured persons, of whatever denomination, that may have been cap¬ 
tured by any ])ortion of the Mexican army, or may have taken refuge in 
the said army since the commencement of the late invasion, shall be restored 
to the Commander of the Texan army, or to such other persons as may be 
ai*})olnted by the Government of Texas to receive them. 

Article 6. The troops of both armies will refrain from coming into con¬ 
tact with each other and to this end the Commander of the Army of Texas 
wall be careful not to approach within a shorter distance of the Mexican 
army than five leagues. 

Article 7. The Mexican army shall not make any other delay on its march 
than that which is necessary to take up their hospitals, baggage, etc., and 
to cross the rivers; any delay not necessary to these purposes to be consid¬ 
ered an infraction of this agreement. 

Article 8. By express, to be immediately dispatched, this agreement shall 
be sent to General Vicente Filisola and to General T. J. Rusk, Commander 
of the Texas army, in order that they may be apprised of its stipulations, 
and to this end they will exchange engagements to comply with the same. 

Article 9. That all Texas prisoners now in possession of the Mexican 
ai my or its authorities be forthwith released and furnished with free pass¬ 
ports to return to their homes, in consideration of which, a corresponding 
number of Mexican prisoners, rank and file, now in possession of the Gov¬ 
ernment of Texas, shall be immediately released. The remainder of the 
Mexican prisoners that continue in possession of the Government of Texas 
to be treated with due humanity; any extraordinary comforts that may 
bo furnished them to be at the charge of the Government of Mexico. 

Article 10. General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna will be sent to Vera 
Cruz as soon as it shall be deemed proper. 

The contracting parties sign this agreement for the above-mentioned pur¬ 
poses, in du})licate, at the Port of Velasco, this the 14th of May, 1836. 

David G. Burnet. 

Antonio Lopez De Santa Anna. 
James Collingsworth, Secretary of State. 

Bailey Hardeman, Secretary of the Treasury. 

P. W. Grayson, Attorney-General. 


254 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAvS HISTORY: 


... -SECRET AGREEMENT. 

Port of Velasco, May 14, 1836. 

Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, General in Chief of the Army of Opera¬ 
tions and President of the Republic of Mexico, before the Government estab¬ 
lish in Texas, solemnly pledges himself to fulfill the stipulations contained 
in the following articles, so far as concerns himself; 

Article 1. He will not take up arms, nor cause them to be taken up against 
the people of Texas, during the present war for independence. 

...Article 2. He will give his orders that in the shortest time the Mexican 
troops may leave the Territory of Texas. 

Article 3. He will so prepare matters in the Cabinet of Mexico that the 
mission that may be sent thither by the Government of Texas may be well 
received,, and that by means of negotiations all differences may be settled, 
and the independence that has been declared by the convention may be 
acknowledged. 

.., Article 4. A treaty of comity, amity, and limits will be established be¬ 
tween Mexico and Texas, the territory of the latter not' to extend beyond 
the Rio Bravo del Norte. 

,, Article 5. The present return of General Santa Anna to Vera Cruz being 
indispensable for the purpose of effecting his solemn engagements, the 
Government of Texas will provide for his immediate embarkation for 
said port. -. . 

Article 6. This instrument being obligatory on one part, as well as on 
the other, \yill be signed in duplicate, remained folded and sealed until the 
negotiations shall , have been concluded, when it will be restored to His 
Excellency, General Santa Anna—no-use of it to be made before that time, 
unless.there should be an infraction by either of the contracting parties. 

’ V . . Antonio Lopez De Santa Anna. 

.. , .• ;. . . ■ David G. Burnet. 

James Collingsworth, Secretary of State. ; 

Bailey Hardeman, Secretary of the Treasury. 

P. W. Grayson, Attorney-General. 

In conformity with these two treaty-agreements Santa Anna 
was placed on board the schooner Invincible, which was to sail 
with him to Vera Cruz. While this vessel was anchored near the 
mouth of the Brazos River, with Santa Anna on board, waiting 
for orders to sail, a wild mob, led by newly arrived volunteers, 
threatened violence to Burnet and members of the cabinet if 
Santa Anna were permitted to sail. Efforts were made to quiet 
them, but they proved abortive. Finally, Jeremiah Brown, the 



ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 255 

commander of the Invincible, assured these new volunteers that 
he would not sail. Burnet, seeing that it was impossible to carry 
out the treaty-agreement to the letter, ordered Santa Anna to 
be brought ashore. He was accordingly landed at Quintana, and 
marched through a jeering crowd to McKinney’s store. He was 
given assurance, however, by President Burnet and the leaders 
of the mob restraining him, that no harm should come to his per¬ 
son. In a day or two he was transferred to Velasco and kept 
under guard until the military authorities took possession of 
liim. He was turned over to Captain Patton of the army, who 
took him to Columbia and confined him in a small building near 
the town. While he was confined here, an attempt was made 
upon his life. Captain Patton caught the culprit who attempted 
to assassinate Santa Anna and, after a severe chastising, turned 
him free. Later, Santa Anna was carried to the residence of^Dr. 
Phelps at Orizimbo, a few miles up the Brazos River from Co¬ 
lumbia. Here an attempt was made to poison Santa Anna’s 
guards, and set him free. The plot having been discovered, 
Santa Anna was placed in irons on the order of General Rusk. 
He remained in irons until Houston came into office as President 
of the Republic. 

During the interval the feeling against President Burnet grew 
to a high pitch; and in July a mass meeting of soldiers was held 
at which resolutions were passed denouncing him bitterly and 
ordering his arrest. Lieutenant-Colonel Millard was instructed 
to proceed to Velasco, capture the president and carry him to 
their camp for trial. Millard took a few men with him to Velasco 
to carry out these instructions. As soon as the cabinet and the 
citizens of Velasco learned of the situation, the surrounding 
country was aroused and jMillard was informed that Judge 
Lynch was preparing to hold a session of his court in Velasco. 
This greatly alarmed Millard, and he and his companions fled 
precipitately from Velasco. President Burnet was early advised 
of Millard’s mission. Major A. Turner, then in command of the 
troops at Galveston, happened to be in Quintana during this 
period. Major Turner belonged to the same regiment to which 


256 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF: TEXAS HISTORY 


Millard belonged. ^Millard advised him of the object of his visit 
to Velasco and ordered him to place Burnet under arrest. The 
order read as follows: 

“You are hereby ordered to proceed to Velasco and arrest the 
person of David G. Burnet; take into your possession the books 
and papers of his office; and you will also take into your posses¬ 
sion the books, papers, and records of the Secretary of War, of 
the Treasury, and them safely keep and report forthwith.” 

Instead of obeying this order, ]\Iajor Turner advised President 
Burnet and his cabinet and the military authorities at Velasco. 

Early after the First Congress met it passed a resolution re¬ 
questing President Houston to assume the custody of Santa 
Anna. Houston obeyed, and at once had the irons removed. 

After the adjournment of congress, Houston assumed the re¬ 
sponsibility of setting Santa Anna free. He arranged for him to 
go direct to Washington City, and on December 22, Santa Anna, 
General Bernard E. Bee, Colonel George W. Hockley, and Cap¬ 
tain W. H. Patton, of the Texas army, left the Brazos and pro¬ 
ceeded across the country on horseback to New Orleans, where 
they took passage for Washington. 

While at New Orleans, Santa Anna requested General Bee to 
assist him in securing $1,000 for him to pay the expenses of the 
trip before him. General Bee endorsed a draft for Santa Anna 
for $1,000. Santa Anna permitted this draft to go to protest, 
and on his return to Mexico refused to refund the money. 

This reprehensible conduct on the part of Santa Anna was 
severely condemned by the press throughout the country. The 
Congress of the Republic finally refunded this money to Gen¬ 
eral Bee. 

While in Washington City, Santa Anna had a conference with 
President Jackson. From Washington he sailed to Vera Cruz. 
He found no favor in Mexico, and after a brief career of intrigue, 
he was banished. When the war between IMexico and the United 
States was declared, he was called back to Mexico and took part 
in that war which proved so disastrous to the Mexican people. 


THE REPUBLIC OF THE RIO GRANDE 
A Story op Its Rise and Fall. 

Republicans Organize at Lipantitlan—President Lamar Greatly 
Disturbed—Orders Them to Disband—General Cavalis Heads 
the Revolt—Three Hundred Texans Join Him—They Cross the 
Rio Grande—Engage in Many Bloody Battles—Defeated and 
Surrender to General Arista. 

^laiiy events of an extraordinary character transpired in 
Texas during the year 1839. The two which overshadowed all 
others, from a military point of view, were the campaigns driv¬ 
ing the Cherokee Indians from Eastern Texas and the establish¬ 
ment on Texas soil of “The Republic of the Rio Grande.” The 
troubles which led up to the expulsion of the Cherokee Indians 
from Texas are matters generally known, but little is known to 
the causal reader of Texas history concerning the events sur¬ 
rounding the revolution against the Centralist of IMexico which 
led to the establishment of the “Republic of the Rio Grande.” 
This event has historical value to Texas because the revolution 
had its birth in Texas and, too, because the “Republic of the Rio 
Grande ’ ’ unfurled its banner on Texas soil. 

The impetuous Texans who joined the Mexican Republicans 
in this revolution, were venturesome spirits who were not con¬ 
tented with the dull monotony of peaceful scenes. They thought 
they saw in it opportunities for service and gain. They felt that 
by taking advantage of these opportunities they could gain both. 
They were young men of splendid abilities—ambitious and brave 
—but they did not stop to count the cost of failure or consider 
the reproach they were bringing upon their country. 

The proclaiming of the Republic of the Rio Grande greatly 
disturbed the peace of President Lamar. Lamar was coquetting 
with the Mexican Republic with the hope that the new Republic 
of Texas could ultimately overcome the hatred of the Mexicans 
for the Texans, and when this revolution was being formed at 
Lipantitlan, on the Nueces River, he attemi)ted to thwart it. 


258 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY^ 


Only 180 Texans participated in the revolution out of a force 
of over 600 men. Those taking a leading part in this revolution 
were Republicans in sympathy with the struggling Republicans 
of Mexico. 

When it became known to President Lamar that a considerable* 
body of Republicans were assembling at Lipantitlan, on the 
Nueces River, he issued a proclamation ordering them to disperse. 
But they paid no attention to IMr. Lamar \s orders and proceeded 
to organize the Republic of the Rio Grande, and formally pro¬ 
claimed a military organization. The leaders among the Mex¬ 
icans were General Antonio Cavalis and Colonel Jose Maria 
Gonzales. The principal American leaders were Colonels S. W. 
Jordan and Reuben Ross. They marched from Lipantitlan, Sep¬ 
tember 20, 1839 with a combined force of over 600 equipped 
troops, and crossed the Rio Grande on September 30. 

The refusal of the leaders of the revolution to heed the warn¬ 
ings of President Lamar greatly disturbed him, and he had his 
adjutant-general to address a letter to Jose Ramos at Laredo re¬ 
questing certain information. The letter read as follows: “The 
President has been unable to secure reliable information regard¬ 
ing this filibustering expedition, and 1 am requesting that you 
secure and report to me, if possible, information giving their 
number. President Lamar specially desires to know if there are 
any considerable number of Texans in the expedition, the names 
of the leaders, both of Mexicans and Americans. I am not sure 
that I understand what it proposes to accomplish. 

“The President regards such an expedition, at this time, un¬ 
fortunate for Texas, as it will tend to further excite envy and 
hatred among the Mexicans who have recently given assurance 
of a better understanding of our people and our government.” 

I have been unable to find any reference to Colonel Ramos’ 
report and have depended upon other reliable sources of informa¬ 
tion for the record of events which transpired following the cross¬ 
ing of the expedition into Mexico. Colonel Ramos was accident¬ 
ally drowned in the Rio Grande a short time after the date of 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


259 


this letter, and in all probability no report was ever made by him. 

After crossing the Rio Grande the expedition marched upon 
Guerreo for the purpose of investing that place. This was a forti¬ 
fied town near the Rio Grande and was occupied by General 
Parboil of the Centralist army. On reaching the vicinity of 
Guerreo, General Cavalis sent his spies forward to ascertain the 
strength of General Parboii's command. He also dispatched a 
messenger to the mayor of the town demanding the surrender 
of the place. The spies soon reported that the town was without 
troops and the messenger sent to the mayor returned bearing in¬ 
formation that General Parbon had just evacuated the towm. 
It developed that General Parbon had retreated towards Alcan- 
tra. General Cavalis led his troops in hot pursuit, overtaking 
the retreating army on October 3, when a fierce battle took place. 
Parbon was defeated and sustained a loss of 150 men. General 
Cavalis’ loss was 14 killed. After this decisive victory many re¬ 
cruits, principally Mexicans, joined the army of the Republic of 
the Rio Grande. 

From some cause, which has never been clearly understood. 
General Cavalis did not follow up this victory, but remained in¬ 
active for more than two months. Finally, on December 12, he 
moved on Matamoras with his enlarged army of more than a 
thousand men. He found Matamoras garrisoned with 1,500 reg¬ 
ulars under the command of General Canalizo. Cavalis ad¬ 
dressed a communication to Canalizo, demanding the surrender 
of the city. The messenger bearing the communication was held 
until Canalizo could hold a council of his officers. At the con¬ 
clusion of the council, which was brief. General Canalizo replied 
to the communication from Cavalis refusing to surrender. Cav¬ 
alis at once began a siege of the city, but at no period was it 
prosecuted with vigor, in a .skirmish between the two commands, 
October 15, General Canalizo lost 15 men and his force was 
driven back within the fortifications of the city. This initial de¬ 
feat greatly discouraged Canalizo’s force and it required vig¬ 
orous military discipline to prevent desertion. Order and con¬ 
fidence, however, were restored, and further preparations made 


260 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


to resist the siege. Cavalis was kept ignorant of the dissatisfac¬ 
tion and disorder in Canalizo’s ranks. 

An American, Mr. John Hughes, of Atlanta, Georgia, was a 
visitor to the United States Consulate in Matamoras at the time 
of the siege. In speaking of the defeat of Canalizo’s troops by 
Cavalis, he said: ‘ ‘ When Canalizo’s troops marched back to 
jMatamoras from the field of defeat dejection was stamped on 
the faces of the officers. There were no bands playing, no gaieties 
in Matamoras that night. Reports were rife that the army might 
at any moment desert and join the besieging army. All soldiers 
were ordered to their barracks and strong guards posted through¬ 
out the army camps. Matamoras was excited. The majority of 
the rank and file of Canalizo’s troops was in sympathy with 
the principles for which Cavalis fought.” 

On December 16 Cavalis called a council of his officers. They 
were ignorant of the disorder and confusion in Canalizo’s ranks. 
As a result of the council Cavalis announced his intention of 
abandoning the siege. This announcement greatly displeased the 
Texans and Colonel Ross, with about 50 of his men, recrossed 
the Rio Grande into Texas. Cavalis, wdth his badly disorganized 
troops, retired towards Monterey. When he arrived within a 
few miles of that city, December 24, he was confronted by Gen¬ 
eral Arista with an army of 2,000 well-equipped troops. A light 
skirmish followed. During a lull of a few days which followed, 
spies were sent into Cavalis’ camps. They succeeded in inducing 
quite a number of Cavalis’ troops to join Arista’s army, by hold¬ 
ing out inducements of much larger and certain pay. When 
Colonel Jordan learned of the depletion of Cavalis’ troops by de¬ 
sertion, he gathered together a few reliable and faithful iMexi- 
cans and led them towards the Rio Grande. He reerossed that 
stream into Texas, January 7, 1840. 

The sudden turn of affairs did not discourage Cavalis. He 
assembled his followers and issued a call for a general meeting 
to take place at Guerrero, January 28. Through an organization 
of spies in Cavalis’ ranks. Arista was able to keep fully advised 
of Cavalis’ plans. On March 15 he attacked Cavalis at ^Morales 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


261 


and defeated and routed his army. Cavalis escaped to Texas with 
a few of his faithful followers, and going to San Patricio he un¬ 
furled the flag of the Republic of the Rio Grande. Here he was 
soon joined by Colonel Jordan with 100 men, W. S. Fisher with 
200 men and John N. Seguin with 110 men. The whole force, 
including about 300 rancheros, totaled 700 men. Here Cavalis 
called a council of war. It was decided that the army of the Re¬ 
public of the Rio Grande should re-enter Mexico. Cavalis sent 
Colonel Jordan in advance of the main body of troops with a 
Mexican officer as guide. Jordan, with his advance troops, 
crossed into Mexico and successively occupied the towns of Guer¬ 
rero, Meir, Camargo, Tula, Morales, Linares and Victoria, the 
capital of the State of Tamaulipas. Even with these brilliant 
military achievements, Jordan was not free from treachery. He 
grew suspicious of his ^Mexican guide. It developed that his sus¬ 
picions were justified. At Saltillo, October 23, he was confronted 
by a Centralist army of over a thousand men, with artillery, 
under the command of General Rafail Vasquez. A battle soon 
followed. Immediately after the battle opened up the suspected 
guides deserted to Vasquez's army with their companions and 
as many Mexican troops as they could induce to follow them. 
Even this treachery did not discourage the brave Texan. He con¬ 
tinued the battle, killing about 400 of Vasquez’s men with a loss 
of only five men killed and seven wounded. 

After this engagement, Jordan finding himself without guides, 
and fearing further treachery, retreated without molestation 
with his troops to Texas. 

Cavalis did not follow Jordan into Mexico as promptly as he 
agreed to do, and when he did cross into Mexico he remained in¬ 
active. Finally at Camargo he surrendered his whole force to 
General Arista. 

Cavalis showed himself to be a weakling without military gen¬ 
ius. He was a man, however, inspired with the loftiest principles 
of patriotism. He was faithful to his Texas associates. He 
showed this when he surrendered, as in the articles of surrender 


262 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


it was stipulated that the lives and liberties of the Texans in his 
command were to be preserved. 

Thus ended the short and spectacular life of the ‘ ‘ Republic of 
the Rio Grande.^’ 


THE COUNCIL HOUSE BATTLE 


AND THE RAIDS FOLLOWING IT. 

Indian Chief's Proposed Treaty of Peace—Terms Agreed on — 
Chiefs Failed to Carry Out Agreement—Results in Disappoint¬ 
ment—Fieree Battle Follows Killing of Indian Chiefs—Killing 
and Wounding of Texans—Raids on Victoria and Linnville Fol¬ 
low—The Indians Followed and Routed—Battle of Plum Creeh. 

This unfortunate event occurred in San Antonio, Texas, ^larch 
19, 1840. It was followed by one of the most disastrous Indian 
raids on the Texas settlements ever recorded in Texas history. 
As much as it was regretted by those who participated in it, it 
could not have been avoided as the Indians precipitated the 
trouble, which led to the slaughter of thirty-five Comanche chiefs, 
warriors and squaws, and the killing of six Texans. 

It was brought about by the following circumstances: Early 
in February, 1840, the Comanches sent a messenger to Colonel 
Karnes, the commanding officer of the Texans at San Antonio, 
to propose a lasting treaty of peace. Colonel Karnes informed 
the messenger that he would gladly enter into negotiations for 
peace if the thirteen women and children held as prisoners by 
them were brought to San Antonio and delivered to him. This 
was agreed upon and the delivery was to be made on the next 
light moon. On ^larch 19, 1840, sixty-five Comanches, including 
chiefs, warriors, squaws and children arrived in San Antonio. 
They entered the house selected for the council to confer with 
the Texas commissioners. Colonels Hugh McLeod and Wm. G. 
Cooke. Two companies of regulars, under Lieut-Col. W. S. 
Fisher, preceded them into the building. Part of one company 
commanded by Captain George T. Howard, was stationed in the 
hall. Very soon after the conference was opened, it developed 
that instead of bringing all of the prisoners as had been agreed 
upon, they brought only one, IMathilda Lockhart, an intelligent 
girl of fourteen years, whom they had captured in October, 


264 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


1838. A demand was made upon the Indians to explain why all 
the prisoners held by them were not brought in, according to 
agreement. The leading chief of the Comaiiches replied that 
jNIatilda Lockhart was their only prisoner and that the others 
were scattered among other tribes. This was disputed by Ma¬ 
tilda Lockhart. She quietly informed Colonel Karnes and the 
commissioners that the other prisoners were left in the Indian 
camp and were being held for ransom. The chiefs were told by 
Colonel Karnes and the commissioners that they had violated 
their pledge and that they would be kept as prisoners until all 
the women and children held by them were brought in, accord¬ 
ing to agreement; that they might send their young men to the 
tribe for the other captives and as soon as they were delivered 
they would be liberated. At this juncture Captain Howard 
posted sentinels at the doors and drew up his men across the 
room. What closely followed is told by Commissioner McLeod 
in the following language: 

“We told the Indian chiefs that the soldiers they saw were 
their guards, and descended from the platform. The chiefs im¬ 
mediately followed. One sprang to the back door and attempted 
to pass the sentinel who presented his musket, when the chief 
drew his knife and stabbed him. A rush was made to the door. 
Captain Howard collared one of them and received a severe stab 
from him in the side. He ordered the sentinel to fire upon him, 
which he immediately did, and the Indian fell dead. They then 
all drew their knives and bows and evidently resolved to fight 
to the last. Colonel Fisher ordered his men to fire if they did 
not desist. The Indians rushed on, attacking us desperately, and 
a general order to fire became necessary. After a short but des¬ 
perate struggle every one of the twelve chiefs and captains in 
the council lay dead upon the floor, but not until, in the hand 
to hand struggle, they had wounded a number of persons. The 
indoor being finished. Captain Howard’s company was formed 
in front to prevent retreat in that direction, but in conse¬ 
quence of his wound he was relieved by Captain Gillen, who 
commanded the company until the close of the action. Captain 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


265 


Redd, whose company was formed in the rear of the building, 
was attacked in the yard by the warriors who fought like wild 
beasts. The Indians took refuge in some stone buildings from 
which they kept up a galling fire with bows and arrows and a 
few rifles. Their arrows, wherever they struck one of our men, 
were driven to the feathers. A small number of Indians escaped 
across the river, but they were pursued by Major Lysander 
Wells with a few mounted men, and all killed. The only one of 
the warriors in the council house who escaped was a renegade 
Mexican. He was among those who slipped away unobserved. A 
single warrior took refuge in a stone building refusing every 
overture sent him by squaws, and succeeded in killing and wound¬ 
ing several until after nightfall when a bag of rags soaked in tur¬ 
pentine and ignited, was dropped through the smoke escape in 
the roof onto his head. Thus in a flame of fire he sprang through 
the door and was riddled with bullets. In such an action—so 
unexpected, so sudden and terrible—it was impossible at times 
to distinguish between the sexes and three squaws were killed. 
The short struggle was fruitful in blood. Our losses were, killed: 
Judge Hood, San Antonio; Judge Thompson, Houston; a Mr. 
Carey of Matagorda County; Lieutenant W. ]\I. Dunnington, 
first infantry; privates Kaminske and Whitney, and a Mexican. 
The wounded were: Captain George F. Howard, Lieutenant 
Edward A. Thompson, Private Kelley, Captain jMathew Cald¬ 
well, Judge James W. Robinson, and Messrs. Morgan, Carson 
and Higginbotham. The Indian loss was thirty chiefs and war- 
riars three squaws and two children killed. Prisoners taken in¬ 
cluded twenty-seven women and children and two old men. 
Over a hundred horses and a large quantity of buffalo robes and 
peltries remained for the victors. By request of the prisoners 
one squaw was released, mounted, provisioned and allowed to 
go to her people and say to them that the prisoners would be 
released whenever the Texas prisoners held by the Indians were 
brought in. A short time afterwards, a party of Comanches dis¬ 
played a white flag on a hill some distance from towm, evidently 
afraid to come nearer. When a flag was sent out, it was found 
that they had brought in several white children to exchange for 


266 ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 

the imprisoned Indians. The exchange was made and the In¬ 
dians hurried back to their camps. ^ ’ 

In the latter part of ^lay following this unfortunate slaughter 
of Comanche chiefs and warriors, the Texas government received 
information that the Mexican commander at ]\Iatamoras, General 
Canalizo, taking advantage of the excitement of the Comanches, 
had sent agents among them for the purpose of inciting them 
to raid the American settlements. As soon as this report of 
Canalizo’s intrigue was confirmed and it was ascertained that 
an Indian raid was imminent, the Secretary of War, Dr. Branch 
T. Archer, issued warnings to the country and called upon the 
militia to assemble on the frontier and drive the Indians back. 
Several companies of volunteers responded to the call. After 
remaining in camp for several weeks, and hearing nothing fur¬ 
ther regarding the threatened invasion, they disbanded and re¬ 
turned to their homes, peeved because of their disappointment. 
The Mexican authorities at ^latamoras doubtless kept spies in 
the field and were advised of the action of the volunteers, as very 
soon after their disbandment a large band of Comanche war¬ 
riors, numbering four to five hundred, began their bloody raid. 
They passed down toward the coast, east of Gonzales, on the 
direct route to Victoria. As they passed through the country 
they murdered every white inhabitant encountered and plund¬ 
ered and burned their homes. 

Language cannot portray the horror of the defenseless people 
when they saw this horde of demons rushing upon them with 
fiendish yells. Resistance was useless. They reached the quiet 
and peaceful village of Victoria about 3 o’clock in the after¬ 
noon of August 6. The citizens were completely surprised. Few 
on the streets escaped their murderous assault. Those who at¬ 
tempted resistance were cut down and scalped. Those escaping 
took refuge in their homes and in the stores and fortified them¬ 
selves the best they could. The Indians plundered the stores and 
many private residences, and carried away or destroyed every 
thing of value that they could lay their hands upon. That night 
they camped on Spring Creek, about three miles from Victoria. 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


267 


They built big fires and engaged in a fiendish war dance, 
brandishing the scalps of their murdered victims. The next 
morning they returned to Victoria and re-enacted the scene of 
the evening before, adding more plunder to their pile and killed 
every one who exposed himself. In the afternoon they started 
on their journey towards Linnville which was situated on the 
bay near the present town of Port Lavaca. On their way they 
burned and destroyed every home encountered. They captured 
a IMrs. Crosby and her child and servant. Mrs. Crosby was a 
granddaughter of Daniel Boone and was a woman of beauty 
and refinement. They killed several persons before reaching 
Linnville, which place they entered early on the morning of 
August 8 and re-enacted the havoc of Victoria. As the Comanche 
demons swarmed the streets, yelling and brandishing their toma¬ 
hawks and lances, it sent terror to the bravest hearts. The town 
was without defense and the terror-stricken citizens rushed for 
fhe small boats lying in the bay, hoping by this means to make 
their escape, which many of them succeeded in doing. Those 
failing to reach the boats were either murdered or carried- away 
in captivity. Among the killed was Captain H. 0. Watts, col¬ 
lector of customs. He and his young and beautiful bride were 
overtaken while attempting to reach the boats. He was killed and 
scalped and his wife was carried away a prisoner. The inhuman 
Comanches sacked the stores and residences. As Linnville was 
an imj)ortant shipping point the warehouses were filled with all 
kinds of merchandise. These warehouses were entered by the 
Indians and robbed of their supplies. The balance of the day 
was spent in packing several hundred horses with such goods and 
supplies as they desired to take with them. Then they set fire 
to the town and destroyed every home except one on the water’s 
edge. They then took up their line of march to their fortress 
in the mountains. They seemed to imagine they would be per¬ 
mitted to return to their rendezvous without hindrance. But in 
this they were mistaken. The settlers had learned of their raids 
and were organizing to assault them. On the first day out of 
Linnville they were attacked by about a hundred and twenty-five 
volunteers commanded by Captains John J. Tumlinson, Ben Me- 


268 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


Culloch and Adam Zumwalt. A fierce skirmish followed in which 
both sides had one man killed. In the meantime messengers were 
sent out in every direction to inform the settlers of the presence 
of Indians and of their raid on Victoria and Linnville. As a 
result there was a hurrying to arms. A place of rendezvous was 
agreed upon for organization, and the different forces were in¬ 
structed to meet at Good’s Crossing on Plum Creek, near where 
the present town of Lockhart is located. The different commands 
began to arrive on the 11th and hasty preparations were made 
to begin an attack on the Indians who were moving along slowly 
towards the north. About the time that Burleson, McCulloch, 
Hays, Ward and others who were in command of small groups 
of volunteers joined Caldwell—the first on the field—General 
Felix Huston, ]\Iajor-General of the militia, reached the point 
of rendezvous. General Huston was invited to become com- 
mander-in-chief. This he accepted. The Indians passed from 
the timber on Plum Creek to full view in the prairie. General 
Huston ordered an attack. Burleson and Caldwell advanced in 
a gallop in two columns. The Indians at once prepared for a 
stubborn defense. General Huston dismounted his men in gun¬ 
shot of the enemy and for half an hour or more a constant fire 
was kept up. Finally a charge was ordered by General Huston, 
This was made into the midst of the Indians. They fled in wild 
confusion. The Texans pursued them and showed no mercy to 
the fleeing warriors. As the rout continued groups of the In¬ 
dians would stop and stand their ground for a moment, then 
renew their efforts to escape. Thus the battle raged for ten or 
twelve miles. Their defeat was complete, and the ground was 
strewn with the wounded, dying and dead. The Indian loss 
was eighty-six killed and a large number wounded. The Texans 
had one killed and twenty-four wounded. During the battle 
the Indians murdered ^Irs. Crosby, but the other prisoners were 
recovered. 

This defeat of the Comanches was a great blow to them and 
one from which they never recovered. It appears that they had 
been promised assistance by the Mexicans in this raid. It is 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


269 


thought that the raid these Indians made into Mexico in October, 
1840, was in retaliation of the bad faith shown them by the 
^lexicans. An account of this may be found on page 133 of 
Captain Flack\s The Texas Rifle Hunters. It is as follows: ‘‘In 
October, 1840, more than four hundred warriors penetrated into 
^Mexico some four hundred miles, and killed, scalped, burned and 
destroyed everything they could; their track could be traced for 
miles by the burning ranches and villages. They carried off a 
great many female captives and thousands of horses and mules, 
and escaped safely to their strongholds in the mountains with 
their booty. The State of Nueva Leon suffered the most se¬ 
verely from the onset, having more than seven hundred inhabi¬ 
tants killed, and the State of Coahuila nearly as many.'’ Col. 
R. ^I. Potter who, in 1840, resided in Matamoras, says that 
“there are many circumstances connected with the raids on Vic¬ 
toria and Linnville which support the claim that the Mexican 
authorities instigated them and promised co-operation in carry¬ 
ing them out.'' 

“This battle," said Barry Thompson, a participant, “was one 
of the bloodiest of all the Indian battles. The Texans displayed 
great daring and heroism and showed little mercy to the retreat¬ 
ing and confused Comanches.' ’ 

General Huston's official report of this bloody conflict gives 
due credit to those who took part in it. It is a most valuable 
document and we are reproducing it in full. It reads as follows: 

“On Plum Creek, Aug. 12, 1840. 
To Hon. T. B. Archer, Secretary of War: 

I arrived here yesterday evening and found Captain Caldwell 
encamped on Plum Creek with about one hundred men. This 
morning I was requested to take command, which I did with the 
consent of the men. I organized them into companies, under 
command of Captains Caldwell, Bird and Ward. About six 
o’clock the spies reported that the Indians were approaching 
Plum Creek. I crossed above the trail about three miles and 
passed down on the west side; on arriving near the trail I was 


270 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


joined by Colonel Burleson with about one hundred men, under 
the command of Colonel Jones, Liteutenant-Colonel Wallace and 
Major Hardeman. I immediately formed into two lines, the right 
commanded by Colonel Anderson and the left commanded by 
Captain Caldwell, with a reserve commanded by Major Harde¬ 
man, with Captain Ward’s company. On advancing near the 
Indians they formed for action, with a front of woods on their 
right (which they occupied), their lines nearly a quarter of a 
mile into the prairie. I dismounted my men and a handsome 
fire was opened—the Indian chiefs cavorting around in splendid 
style, in front and flank, finely mounted, and dressed in all the 
splendor of Comanche warfare. At this time several Indians 
fell from their horses, and we had three or four of our men 
wounded. I ordered Colonel Burleson, with the right wing, to 
move around the point of woods, and Captain Caldwell, with 
the left wing, to charge into the woods; which movements were 
executed in gallant style. The Indians did not stand the charge, 
and fled at all points. From that time there was a warm and 
spirited pursuit for fifteen miles; the Indians scattered, mostly 
abandoning their horses and taking to the thickets. Nothing 
could exceed the animation of the men, and the cool and steady 
manner in which they would dismount and deliver their fire. 
Upwards of forty Indians were killed, two prisoners (a squaw 
and child) taken; we have taken upwards of two hundred horses 
and mules, and many of them heavily packed with the plunder 
of Linnville and the lower country. There is still a large num¬ 
ber of good horses and mules which are not gathered up. Of 
the captives taken by the Indians below we have only been able 
to retake one—^Irs. Watts of Linnville, who was wounded by 
the Indians with an arrow when they fled. ^Irs. Crosby was 
speared and we understand that all the others were killed. We 
have lost one killed and seven wounded, one mortally. 

“I cannot speak too highly of the Colorado, Guadalupe and 
Lavaca militia, assembled so hastily together and without or¬ 
ganization. I was assisted by ^lajor Izod, Colonel Bell, Captain 
Howard and Captain Neil, as volunteer aids, all of whom ren- 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


271 


dered essential service. Colonel Burleson acted with that cool, 
deliberate and prompt courage and conduct which he has so often 
and gallantly displayed in almost every Indian and Mexican 
battle since the war commenced. Captain Caldwell, also a tried 
Indian fighter, led on his wing to the charge with a bold front 
and a cheerful heart. Colonel Jones, Lieutenant-Colonel Wal¬ 
lace, iNIajor Hardeman, and each of the captains commanding 
companies, acted with the utmost courage and firmness. 

*' To conclude, 1 believe we have given the Comanches a lesson 
which they will long remember; near four houndred of their 
brave warriors have been defeated by half their number, and I 
hope and trust that this will be the last of their depredations on 
our frontier. 

‘‘On tomorrow I contemplate embodying as many men as I 
can, and if we have a sufficient number of good horses, pursue 
the Indians in the hopes that we may overtake them before they 
reach the mountains. Colonel Moore joined us this evening with 
about one hundred and seventy men; horses very hard ridden^ 

* ‘ I have the honor to be 

Your most obedient servant, 

Felix Huston, 
Major-General T. M. ’' 




THE SANTA FE EXPEDITION 
A Story of Mexican Trei^vchery and Brutality. 

The Object of Its Organization — Unauthorized—Commissioners 
Appointed to Accompany the Expedition—Harrowing Experi¬ 
ences En Route—Betrayed into Surrendering Their Arms — 
Long March to City of Mexico—Casualties Inflicted— 
Final Release. 

One of the blunders committed by President Lamar during his 
term as president of the Republic of Texas which stands out in¬ 
comparable to all others was that of authorizing the Expedition 
to Santa Fe. The proposition had sought congressional sanction, 
but failing to secure it, President Lamar, acting on his own 
initiative, made it possible for the expedition to be organized 
and start out on its mission. 

While the expedition was organized for peaceful and com¬ 
mercial purposes, the Mexican authorities at Santa Fe viewed it 
solely as a military movement. Texas claimed the Rio Grande 
as her western boundary. Santa Fe was an isolated Mexican 
town situated in the valley of the Rio Grande, between the moun¬ 
tain ridges about fourteen miles east of the Rio Grande, Its lo¬ 
cation was so remote from the Anglo-American settlements in 
Texas, that the new Republic had never been able to exercise 
jurisdiction over its people. The few American residents of 
Santa Fe, tiring of Mexican mis-rule, represented to President 
Lamar that the inhabitants were anxious to be taken unde;r the 
flag of the Texas Republic, and that they would gladly give their 
allegiance to the Texas Government should an opportunity be 
given them to escape the despotic rule of Mexican authorities. 
President Lamar was greatly impressed by the stories revealed 
to him of Mexican mis-rule, and he sent a speseial message to 
congress urging that an appropriation be made authorizing the 
extension of the jurisdiction of the Republic. Congress failed to 
comply with Lamar’s recommendations. They expressed an 
opinion that such action would be unwise just at that time as the 


274 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


finances of the Republic were impaired and there were no press¬ 
ing demands for assuming new obligations and responsibilities. 
Mr. Lamar was not to be driven from his purpose by the refusal 
of congress to make the appropriation authorizing the expedi¬ 
tion. So he called around him a band of faithful followers who 
held views similar to his own, and laid before them his plans, 
setting out that the Americans at Santa Fe Avere clamoring for 
relief. He found encouragement from his counselors. He there¬ 
fore set out to organize an expedition to Santa Fe. President 
Lamar and his counselors failed to consider the character of the 
Mexican officials with whom the expedition was to deal. These 
Mexican officials received their authority from the Mexican 
Government, and the history of the Mexican race reveals the 
fact that any movement which tends to restrain or restrict their 
authority will meet with resistance. These officials cared noth¬ 
ing for the motives which prompted President Lamar to send an 
expedition to the territory dominated by them. They had but 
one view of Anglo-American motives for organizing this expe¬ 
dition and that was to wrest the control of the territory from 
their rule, and place it under the control of what they regarded 
as a foreign power. 

In authorizing the expedition, President Lamar impressed 
upon its leaders that it was not to be one of conquest; that upon 
arriving at Santa Fe, should the inhabitants manifest a desire 
to declare their allegiance to Texas that the Lone Star flag of 
the Texas Republic should be raised upon the public buildings. 
But on the other hand, should the inhabitants manifest a dis¬ 
position to reject allegiance, no action should be taken to coerce 
them. With a clear understanding of the objects and aims to be 
accomplished, the expedition was authorized and three commis¬ 
sioners were appointed to accompany it. These commissioners 
were Jose Antonio Navarro, Win. G. Cooke and Dr. Richard F. 
Brenham. Geo. Van Ness was designated as secretary to the com¬ 
mission. The expedition was to be organized at Austin, and the 
site for the camp was located on Brushy Creek, fifteen miles north 
of Austin. Here the members of the expedition assembled, and it 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


275 


was from this point that they started on their illfated mission, 
June 21, 1841. General Hugh McLeod was placed in command 
of the expedition. The volunteers numbered two hundred and 
seventy-seven men besides a number of merchants, servants and 
tourists. The expedition made fair progress on its journey until 
it reached the foot of the great western plains. It was, however, 
without guides, and it soon became lost in the trackless waste. 
Crossing the headwater tributaries of the Texas streams proved 
to be difficult and hazardous. The expedition finally succeeded 
in getting out of the waterless plains and entered a territory 
where water was more plentiful. It again passed out of the 
range of abundant water supply and had many harrowing ex¬ 
periences and privations, and frequent brushes with Indians. 
On reaching a point about seventy-five miles from San Miguel, 
two messengers were sent there to confer with the authorities 
to ascertain how they would receive the expedition. W. P. Lewis, 
captain of the artillery company, and George Van Ness, secre¬ 
tary of the commission, were detailed for this service. Both of 
these gentlemen spoke the Spanish language fluently. They were 
entrusted with letters to the principal officers of San Miguel 
setting forth that a large trading party of Texans was approach¬ 
ing; that their intentions were peaceful, and that the leaders of 
the advance party were anxious to purchase a large quantity of 
provisions to be sent back to the main command. President La¬ 
mar’s proclamations were distributed among the people. The 
purpose of the proclamations was to advise the citizens of Santa 
Pe that the expedition was sent for the purpose of trading, and 
that if the inhabitants were not disposed to join peacefully the 
Texas standard, the expedition was to return immediately. At 
the request of the commissioners, two of the merchants accom¬ 
panying the expedition went with Messrs. Lewis and Van Ness 
to confer with the officials at San ^liguel. George W. Kendall, 
editor of the New Orleans Picayune, who accompanied the ex¬ 
pedition, also joined the party. 

While the messengers sent to San Miguel were proceeding on 
their mission they were informed by Mexicans with whom they 


276 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


came in contact that Governor Armigo was up in arms against 
the expedition. However, they continued their journey towards 
San Miguel. They soon encountered two Mexican mutineers. 
These men advised the Texans that their approach was known 
to the inhabitants and that great excitement existed in conse- 
(luence of Governor Armigo’s report that it was the intention 
of the expedition to burn and destroy Santa Fe. They also ad¬ 
vised the Texans that three Americans, Howland, Baker and 
Rosenberg, had been arrested and imprisoned at Santa Fe. These 
gentlemen were of the American citizens of Santa Fe who had 
urged President Lamar to extend the jurisdiction of the Texas 
Republic to embrace Santa Fe. It appears that as soon as it 
became known to the Mexican authorities at Santa Fe that the 
expedition was nearing San Miguel, Governor Armigo ordered 
the arrest of these Americans and held them as prisoners at 
Santa Fe. 

As soon as the messengers, Messrs. Lewis and Van Ness, re¬ 
ceived information regarding the feeling of the Mexican author¬ 
ities toward the expedition, they dispatched a messenger back 
to the main force bearing a message detailing the information 
they had received, and proceeded on their journey toward San 
Miguel. A short ride brought them to the little village of Anton- 
Chico. The inhabitants of this little village seemed greatly 
frightened by their approach. Here they secured feed for their 
horses and food for themselves, and remained over night. Early 
next day they renewed their journey toward San Miguel. They 
had not proceeded far before they were surrounded by more 
than a hundred roughly dressed soldiers armed with lances, 
swords, bows and arrows and old-fashioned carbines. The leader 
of this band was Damasio Salazar, who demanded to know who 
the Texans were. Captain Lewis answered the question. Salazar 
then told them they could not enter the territory bearing arms, 
and demanded the surrender of their arms. The Texans realized 
that resistance was futile, and therefore surrendered their arms. 
Salazar ordered the Texans marched as prisoners to San Miguel. 
Under an escort of half a dozen soldiers they set out on foot to 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


277 


San a distance of fifteen miles. They reached the town 

about sun-down. The next morning they started out for Santa 
Fe, some sixty miles distant. Late in the afternoon they met 
Governor Armigo on the highway and he ordered the return of 
the Texans to San ]\Iiguel. He inquired of the Texans the where¬ 
abouts of the main expeditionary force, of its number and de¬ 
signs. Mr. Van Ness answered his questions by telling him that 
it was a merchants’ expedition from Texas and that the inten¬ 
tions of its leaders were friendly. Armigo then asked which of 
the Texans spoke the Spanish language most fluently as he de¬ 
sired one of the Texans as an interpreter. Lewis claimed to pos¬ 
sess this faculty, and at once tendered his services. Armigo ac¬ 
cepted him and furnished him with a mount and Lewis rode off 
with Armigo. 

The balance of the prisoners started on their return trip to 
San Miguel. They reached there the following morning and were 
confined in a filthy prison-room near the one in which Mr. How¬ 
land was confined. Mr. Howland was one of the Americans re¬ 
siding in Santa Fe who visited President Lamar in 1840 and 
urged the organization of the expedition. He had been arrested 
and imprisoned with Messrs. Baker and Rosenberg because of 
their attitude and sympathy for the expedition. While being 
held prisoners they had all escaped and were making an effort 
to join the Texans when they were recaptured. Rosenberg was 
killed by the arresting party. Baker was later executed, and now 
Rowland, the last of the trio, was taken out and executed almost 
in view of the Texans. 

Immediately after the execution of Mr. Howland, a large de¬ 
tachment of troops left San Miguel for the village of Anton- 
Chico where a division of the expedition, under Colonel Cooke 
and Captain Sutton, was encamped. At this juncture the loy¬ 
alty of Captain Lewis began to be doubted by the Texas pris¬ 
oners at San IMiguel. And when they learned that they had gone 
to Anton-Chico to confer with Colonel Cooke regarding a sur¬ 
render, they w^ere more than ever convinced of his treacherous 
intentions. 


278 


EOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


It developed that the day following the dispatching of Messrs. 
Lewis and Van Ness to San Miguel, the main body of the expe¬ 
dition took up a line of march to Anton-Chico. The Texans did 
not enter the village but struck camp near. Salazar with a strong 
body of troops occupied the village. When three or four of the 
Texans entered the village to purchase supplies, Salazar ordered 
their arrest. He sent one of the captured Texans back to Colonel 
Cooke with a request that they come to the village for the pur¬ 
pose of holding a conference. Colonel Cooke answered that if a 
conference was desired it must be held at the camp of the Texans. 
Salazar visited the Texans’ camp and, as a result of the con¬ 
ference, the Texans arrested in Anton-Chico were liberated. 
Colonel Cooke asked Salazar what had become of Lewis, Van 
Ness, Howard, Fitzgerald and Kendall. He answered with a 
falsehood that he had met them, was satisfied with the object of 
their mission, and had sent them to the governor. That night 
heavy reinforcements joined Salazar. 

It was on the afternoon of September 17, 1841, that Colonel 
Cooke and his men were betrayed by Captain W. P. Lewis and 
surrendered to Governor Armigo. The part that Lewis played in 
this tragedy is told by Lieutenant Thos. S. Lubbock, one of Cap¬ 
tain Sutton’s officers. Here is his account of the circumstances 
of the surrender: 

“About ten o’clock on the morning of September 17, it was 
determined to take up the line of march, when a message was re¬ 
ceived from Captain Salazar, stating that Governor Armigo 
would arrive in a few hours, and that, as an evidence of his 
friendly disposition, he would cross the river that intervened 
between our encampments and encamp near us. As he took up 
the line of march, our men were formed to receive him, en mili- 
taire, and in proper manner. Governor Armigo marched, how¬ 
ever, entirely around our line and took his position within two 
hundred yards of us, having received further reinforcements, 
and now numbering about four hundred men. We were then dis¬ 
missed, but with orders to be ready to seize our arms at a mo¬ 
ment’s notice. In about fifteen minutes we perceived a party of 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


279 


about one hundred and fifty or two hundred men advancing to 
our right and rear. This gave cause for suspicion of danger and 
Colonel Cooke immediately ordered Captain Sutton to form his 
men for action. In five minutes a battle to the death would have 
commenced, when some one exclaimed that Captain Lewis was at 
the head of the party. The order was therefore given to stand 
at ease. The advancing party uniting in the meanwhile, with a 
party in our front. We then recognized Captain Lewis advanc¬ 
ing toward us accompanied by a nephew of Governor Armigo’s. 
Lewis told us that the Mexicans were exasperated at our coming, 
and were in arms; that, in addition to six hundred troops before 
us, he himself had seen four thousand of the best equipped men 
he had ever met with; that they were on the march, and would 
be on the ground in a few hours. He further stated that five 
thousand men were marching from Chihuahua and were expected 
daily, but that the governor had commissioned him to offer, if 
we would give up our arms, permission to come in and trade, 
and at the end of eight days they would be returned to us, to¬ 
gether with recruited horses. He further stated that he knew 
this to be the custom of the St. Louis traders visiting Santa Fe; 
that no possible harm would result from such a course; and for 
the truth of these statements Lewis pledged his honor. It was 
observed, during the conference, that Lewis in his language, dis¬ 
connected himself from us continually, using the pronoun yoUj 
instead of we. This aroused the suspicions of one of our officers, 
who proposed that we should return to our companions as we 
came; and if we could not do better, walk and live upon the 
horses we had left. The nephew of Governor Armigo replied that 
such a course would never do; that his uncle knew that Amer¬ 
icans were gentlemen, and that inhumanity could not be per¬ 
mitted toward them; and again urged us to accept the propo¬ 
sition, and comply with the requisitions made upon all traders' 
visiting Santa Fe. Lewis and his companion then started to their 
camp. While our officers were in consultation, one of them re¬ 
minded Colonel Cooke of the peculiarity he had observed in 
Lewis’ conversation, and told him that his suspicions were 


280 


KOMANCE AND TKAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


aroused for the very countenance of the man foreboded evil. 
Colonel Cooke sought Lewis and held a private conference with 
him. On returning to the camp, Colonel Cooke stated that the 
officer must be wrong, for Lewis had pledged to him in masonic 
faith for the correctness of his statement. That day our arms and 
equipment were taken from us/^ 

'‘We were among strangers—destitute of the very necessities 
of life—broken down physically, and well-nigh mentally—two 
hundred and fifty miles from our companions, and there were 
no means on the route of supporting nature in an effort to reach 
them; added to all these, we had assurance of one of our com¬ 
panions, who had ever been considered a man of honor—we had 
his plighted faith, that we were among friends and would be 
treated accordingly. Could we or would anyone have done other¬ 
wise than capitulate upon the terms offered? It is painful to 
denounce one with whom I have associated as a brother officer 
and fellow soldier upon a dangerous expedition; one whom I 
have looked upon as a man, as a Texan; it is painful, I say, to 
denounce anyone thus situated as a villain and traitor; but the 
facts are too conclusive. William P. Lewis betrayed his associates 
to a cruel and inhuman enemy. He has the mark upon his fore¬ 
head; and will yet be found, recognized and punished as the 
Judas of the Nineteenth Century. 

“Just before dark we were ordered to form, and then Mexican 
faith began to show itself. While we were forming, however, the 
treachery of Lewis becoming apparent, Colonel Cooke called to 
him and, in the hearing of his betrayed, as well as of his new 
found associates, denounced him in language which, if he had 
any soul at all, must have reached it. He reminded him of his 
plighted masonic faith, which had been broken, and declared that 
but for him, his former associates would have died in the ditch. 

“After we were formed our knives, watches, and indeed, every 
article of personal property was taken from us, together with our 
baggage, except one blanket each. We were then formed double 
file, marched near the rancho or town, and then encamped for 
the night with guards around us.” 


281 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 

Closely following the betrayal and surrender of Colonel Cooke 
and ninety brave Texans, small groups of Texan prisoners were 
being received in San Miguel and thrown into prison. 

The first to arrive were four Texans whom Colonel Cooke had 
sent back to guide General McLeod to the settlements. They 
were Lieutenants Scott and Burgess, John Howard, and a serv¬ 
ant named Matias. A day or two later another party of ten 
Texans headed by General Mathew Caldwell arrived as pris¬ 
oners. Following closely. General McLeod and Colonel Navarro 
with about fifteen Texas officers and servants were escorted into 
San Miguel and confined in prisons. Two days later, October 
12, 1841, more than a hundred and fifty Texan prisoners were 
marched into San Miguel and thrown into prisons. With these 
prisoners, all the supply wagons and wagons carrying merchant 
supplies also arrived. The following morning the wagons bear¬ 
ing the goods of the merchants who accompanied the expedition 
were drawn up into line on the plaza and the goods distributed 
among the soldiers. Governor Armigo superintended the dis¬ 
tribution of the goods. Lewis, the betrayer of the Texans, ac¬ 
companied the governor as he went from wagon to wagon exam¬ 
ining their contents. 

In a very short time therafter all the prisoners were assembled 
on the plaza, exhibited and counted, preparatory to their two 
thousand mile march to the City of Mexico. 

The march to the City of Mexico was attended by great priva¬ 
tions and sufferings. Several of the men were brutally murdered 
by the order of Salazar, who commanded the escorting troops 
as far as El Paso. When they reached the City of Mexico they 
were confined in the prisons at Pueblo, Santiago and Perote, 
where the majority of them remained until April, 1842. 

Many of the members! of this unfortunate expedition were 
prominent participants in the establishment of order in the Re¬ 
public before joining this expedition; and many became prom¬ 
inently identified with the history of the Republic and State in 
after years. 

In 1844 Mr. George W. Kendall, editor of the New Orleans 
Picayune, published a detailed account of this expedition. He 


282 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


was marched to the City of Mexico as a prisoner and endured 
the same hardships and privations which they were forced to 
bear. The title of Mr. Kendall’s book is **Narrative of the Texan- 
Santa Fe Expedition.” Prom this book the facts recorded in this 
chapter were taken, and their accuracy cannot be questioned. 


THE MIER EXPEDITION 


A Military Blunder Which Caused the Loss op Many Lives 
Organized in Retaliation of Mexican Invasion—Colonel Somer¬ 
vell Led the Expedition to the Rio Grande—Abandons the In¬ 
vasion of Mexico—A Part of His Command Ref used to Return 
to Texas—Elect a Commander—Cross into Mexico—Battle \of 
Mier—Through Treachery Texans Surrender—Are Marched to 
City of Mexico—Escape at Salado—Lost in the Mountains — Re¬ 
captured—Drawing of the Black Beans — Execution—Captain 
Cameron Murdered—Savage and Brutal Treatment of the Pris¬ 
oners—Released and Return to Texas. 

This unfortunate military expedition was one of the most 
tragic events connected with the life of the Texas Republic. It 
was organized in retaliation for the invasion of Texas by Gen¬ 
eral WoU in September, 1842. The news of General WolPs cap¬ 
ture of San Antonio created a sensation throughout the Republic. 
There was a rush to arms to rescue San Antonio and drive the 
ruthless invaders from the State. Brave Texans from every sec¬ 
tion of the Republic volunteered and offered their services for 
this purpose. They were led by that matchless leader, General 
Mathew Caldwell. On learning of the approach of the Texans 
upon San Antonio, General Woll concluded that he would “go 
out in person and drive the Texan wolves from the brush.' ’ He ac¬ 
cordingly marched with nearly his whole force to attack the 
Texans who were camped on Salado Creek under the command 
of General Mathew Caldwell. General Woll was badly defeated 
with the loss of sixty men and many wounded, while the Texans 
had one man killed and nine wounded. In vain did General 
Woll urge his troops to make a second attack on the Texans, 
but the unerring aim of the Texas riflemen was more than they 
were willing to face. General Woll retreated to San Antonio, 
and early the next morning, collecting his broken and defeated 
army, he evacuated the town, taking with him many prominent 
citizens of San Antonio, and by forced marches, crossed the Rio 
Grande. 


284 


EOMANCE AND TKAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTOKY 


General Woll’s invasion of Texas was dictated by Santa Anna. 
It greatly incensed the Texans, and determining upon a course 
of retaliation, they organized into a force of several hundred 
men for the purpose of invading Mexico. This action apparently 
had the sanction of President Houston, who authorized the or¬ 
ganization of two regiments of militia or volunteers. The first 
regiment was commanded by Colonel Joseph L. Bennet, who won 
fame for gallantry at San Jacinto. The second regiment was 
commanded by Colonel Jesse B. McCraklin, and the two regi¬ 
ments placed under the command of General Alexander Somer¬ 
vell, also a seasoned veteran of San Jacinto. 

As soon as it was determined to organize for the invasion of 
Mexico troops began to gather at San Antonio. There was a gen¬ 
eral demand by the army that General Burleson should lead 
them. But when President Houston announced the appointment 
of General Somervell to assume this responsible position, General 
Burleson returned to his home and left the conduct of the cam¬ 
paign to the president and General Somervell. During the 
months of September and October, volunteers pressed forward to 
San Antonio eager to pursue the enemy in his own country. 
When General Somervell arrived at San Antonio he found about 
twelve hundred men located in the different encampments 
around the place. Some time elapsed before the departure of the 
troops. The delay caused murmuring among the impatient men 
who could not understand why the day of starting was so long 
postponed. As a result of these dilatory tactics, nearly all of Col¬ 
onel Bennet’s men (regiment) returned to their homes in Mont¬ 
gomery and Walker Counties. Colonel Bennet, however, re¬ 
mained with the expedition. Finally, November 17, General Som¬ 
ervell broke camp and started on his march of invasion with 
about seven hundred and sixty men. His force reached Laredo 
on the evening of December 7, and at daylight on the 8th he en¬ 
tered the city without resistance. While Laredo was a Texas 
town belonging to the jurisdiction of Texas, its Mexican popula¬ 
tion was known to be anti-american. Many of the officers of 
the expedition favored the crossing of the Rio Grande at this 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OP TEXAS HISTORY" 


285 


point. But General Somervell led the expedition some miles 
down the river and struck camp for the night. The next morn¬ 
ing, December 9, he called a council of his officers to dicsuss 
future plans. The large majority of the officers expressed a 
desire to cross into Mexico and attack the enemy. General Somer¬ 
vell requested all who desired to return to their homes to step 
to the left, and all who desired to continue the expedition to go 
to the right. About two hundred men expressed a desire to re¬ 
turn home. These were placed under the command of Colonel 
Bennett and took up their march for home. The balance of the 
command finally crossed the Kio Grande near the town of 
Guerrero. 

General McCulloch was dispatched to the town to demand of 
the Alcalde rations for the army. The Alcalde promised that 
supplies would be forthcoming by the time the army reached the 
town. That afternoon the army marched within one mile of the 
town and struck camp. The Alcalde sent a few beeves, a few 
blankets, and a small quantity of corn. The next morning the 
army retraced its course and crossed over into Texas. This ex¬ 
asperated the men very much and they indicated that they would 
not follow Somervell’s lead further. The general, therefore, 
started home, accompanied by his staff and about two hundred 
of the rank, leaving three hundred and four men to pursue 
their design to invade Mexico. This little band selected Col¬ 
onel W. S. Fisher as commander. They concluded to cross the 
Kio Grande below, and part of the command took charge of a 
flotilla of boats, six large barges, and proceeded down the river, 
camping with the land force at night. The flotilla captured and 
destroyed between forty and fifty boats as it proceeded down 
the river. It also stopped at different settlements and secured 
provisions for the troops. December 21, both the land and river 
forces camped together on the east bank of the Rio Graiide, about 
seven miles from the town of Mier. Colonel Ben McCulloch was 
sent with spies to reconnoiter the city. He entered the city and 
conferred with the Alcalde and was told that there were no 
troops there at that time, but that they were hourly expected. 



286 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


A council of war was held and it was decided to march to Mier 
and make a requisition on the Alcalde for needed supplies. At 
nine o’clock on the morning of December 22, the Texans crossed 
the Rio Grande and made requisition on the Alcalde for sup¬ 
plies. The supplies were being collected, but in absence of con¬ 
veyances, it was clear that they would not be delivered that even¬ 
ing. To guarantee their delivery the next day, the Alcalde was 
taken to the camp a prisoner, as a hostage. The next day came 
and passed and yet the supplies did not arrive. Not until the 
25th did the Texans understand the non-arrival of the promised 
provisions. General Ampudia had arrived with about seven hun¬ 
dred men and prevented their delivery. Immediately on receipt 
of this information a council of war was called, which unani¬ 
mously agreed to cross the river and attack the enemy. By two 
two o’clock in the afternoon the troops began to cross the river 
and the march upon Mier began. Much difficulty was experi¬ 
enced in crossing a small stream, Alcontra, which formed a 
semi-circle upon the east side of Mier. Darkness found the Tex¬ 
ans upon a high bluff difficult of descent, and near the lower 
crossing of the Alcontra. The Texans were ordered to hold their 
position until the location of the enemy could be ascertained. 
Spies were instructed to fire into the picket guard of the enemy 
for the purpose of locating the different pickets. This having 
been accomplished, Captain Baker’s spy company was located 
opposite the Mexican cavalry at the lower crossing of Alcontra. 
They were ordered to keep up a desultory fire upon the cavalry, 
while others were searching out a location for crossing. A cross¬ 
ing point was located, and the Texans in silence, and in single 
file, effected a crossing while Captain Baker’s spy company 
kept up their random firing which so diverted the attention of 
the picket guard that the Texans were not discovered until they 
had approached near the picket line. When they were halted by 
the picket guard, the Texans answered by firing a hundred shots 
into the guards. The guards were ordered to charge the Tex¬ 
ans, but the order was disobeyed. The Texans marched to the 
attack of the city, passing down a street leading into the public 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


287 


square. There a halt was made to locate the position of the 
enemy. This being done, the position of the Mexican artillery 
was charged. The artillery poured its grape and canister down 
the street from which the Texans had fired. But it was inef¬ 
fectual, as after each charge of fire the Texans quickly jumped 
behind the corners of buildings to wait the artillery fire. After 
each discharge of artillery the Texans re-entered the street and 
fired upon the artillery with deadly effect. The Texans de¬ 
termined to silence the artillery if possible. To accomplish this, 
it became necesary to open passage-ways through the adobe build¬ 
ings so as to enable them to command the artillery. While one 
company was opening up a passage-way through the row of 
buildings, another company took up a position in a row of build¬ 
ings upon the opposite side of the street. Their cross fire was 
very destructive. Thus the battle raged. After daylight three 
times was the artillery manned and as often silenced. Up to this 
time the Texans had lost but one man, and had two wounded. 
During the forenoon, three desperate attempts to storm and 
carry the positions of the Texans were made, but each charge was 
repulsed with heavy loss to the enemy. The battle continued in 
all its fury, the Mexicans occupying positions on housetops, and 
in gutters, and any other point that afforded them protection 
from the deadly rifle fire of the Texans. Finally a column of 
Mexican cavalry charged down a street north of the buildings 
occupied by the Texans, immediately under the command of 
Colonel Fisher. Colonel Fisher with about twenty of his men 
threw themselves in front of them. The colonel and several of 
his men were severely wounded, although they effectually re¬ 
turned the Mexican fire, killing several and also succeeding in 
driving them from the street. About this time Captain Cameron 
came into the room where Colonel Fisher was bringing in his 
wounded men, and asked for reinforcements. This was a period 
of great excitement among the men. Their leader was vomiting 
as a result of his wounds, and the Mexicans had begun to show 
great courage. General Thomas J. Green assumed temporary 
command and supplied Cameron with reinforcements. Just at 


288 ROMANISE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 

this juncture a •mail bearing a flag approached. The Texans who 
noticed this incident thought for the moment that it was meant 
to convey a request from the Mexicans for a parley. As the flag 
approached nearer, it was discovered that it was being borne by 
one of the captured Texans, Dr. J. J. Sinnickton. He approached 
Colonel Pisher aiid advised him that he had been forced by Gen¬ 
eral Ampudia to say to the Texans, “that he had seventeen hun¬ 
dred regular troops in the city and eight hundred fresh troops 
nearby from Monterey, which would be up in a few minutes; 
that it was useless for them to contend longer against such odds, 
and that if they would surrender, they would be treated with 
all the honors and considerations of prisoners of war; that the 
Santa Fe prisoners should be treated likewise, and that the Tex¬ 
ans should not be sent to Mexico, but kept upon the frontier 
until an exchange or pacification was effected; and that, if 
these terms were not acceded to, the Texans should be shown 
no quarter. ’ ’ 

When the nature of the message borne by Dr. Sinnickton be- 
carhe known there was an outburst of indignation. The Texans 
were given ah hour to decide their course. Colonel Fisher visited 
General 'Ampudik’s headquarters to discuss the matter with him. 
Returnih^, lie' fornied the companies into line on the streets and 
comihUhicated to tbem the result of his interview with General 
Ampudia', aiid said: “ I have kriown General Ampudia for years 
—^knbw him to be ah honorable man and I will vouch for his' 
carrying out tiis’ promises. If you are willing to accept these 
terms you will march into the public square and give up youi* 
arms, or prepare for battle within five minutes; in any view 
of the case your situation is a gloomy one; for you cannot fight 
your way out of this place to the river short of a loss of two- 
thirds, or perhaps the whole; but if you are determined to fight 
I will be with you, and shall sell my life as dear as possible.” 

At the close of Colonel Fisher ^s speech there was bitter de¬ 
nunciation of the terms. There were many who proclaimed that 
“to surrender means death,” and that they preferred to fight’ 
it but. But when many of the men began to form into line to 





KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OE TEXAS HISTORY 


289 


march to the square, all the Texans followed and surrendered 
their arms and became prisoners. 

Thus ended one of the most san^inary conflicts ever fought 
on Mexican soil. 

The aggregate number of Texans engaged in this battle was 
two hundred and sixty-one. The Texan loss was ten killed, 
twenty-three badly wounded, and several slightly wounded. The 
aggregate number of iMexicans engaged in the battle was twenty- 
three hundred and forty. Their loss, according to Mexican re¬ 
ports, was four hundred and thirty killed and two hundred and 
thirty wounded. This does not embrace those killed near the 
crossing of Alcontra. The United States consul at Matamoras 
stated that from reliable Mexican authorities he learned that the 
number of Mexicans killed and wounded exceeded eight hundred. 

The evening following the battle. Colonel Fisher addressed the 
following note to General Ampudia. 

Mier, December 26, 1842. 

Sir: The forces which, through the chances of war, I now sur¬ 
render to you, are composed of the most valiant and intelligent 
citizens of Texas. They have contended manfully against your 
superior force, and have yielded only when it was deemed folly 
longer to contend. 

Your well-established character as a brave and magnanimous 
officer is a certain guarantee to me that they will be treated as 
brave men deserve to be treated. 

I have the honor to be most respectfully yours, 

Wm. S. Fisher, Commanding. 

To General Pedro De Ampudia, 

Commanding Mexicail Army. 

The day following the battle General Ampudia sent his cav¬ 
alry to the Texas camp across the Rio Grande to bring in the 
camp guard. One of the Texas prisoners, Samuel C. Lyon, was 
forced to accompany the cavalry. As they approached the river 
bank, Lyon was instructed to halloo across the river to the camp 
guard and request them to bring the boats over. Instead of de^ 
livering this message, he cried out: ‘‘Boys, we are all prisoners 


290 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


and several hundred cavalrymen are close by in pursuit of you. 
Take all the good horses and put.” This advice was quickly 
acted upon, and all the camp guards escaped and reached home 
in safety except Major George W. Bonnell, who was killed as he 
returned to camp to secure additional horses. 

On December 31, in violation of the terms of surrender, Gen¬ 
eral Ampudia took up a line of march to the City of ^Mexico, via 
]\Iatamoras, with the imprisoned Texans. The sick and wounded 
were left in Mier in charge of Dr. Sinnickton. 

The Texans ‘‘were marched in double file, in the center of the 
road, with artillery before and in their rear. On each side of 
them was a single file of infantry with fixed bayonets, and on 
the outside of them were cavalry,” wrote General Green in his 
journal. In this order the march was conducted at a rapid pace. 
The men were not permitted to stop for water for which they 
suffered greatly. Not being used to walking they soon began to 
suffer with sore feet and fatigue. The route selected for the 
journey to ^lexico City touched a number of towns. As they 
were reached, the Texans were marched through the streets and 
displayed like captured wild animals. In many places mobs fol¬ 
lowed them, yelling and heaping all sorts of insults upon them. 
The route carried them over a rough and barren country. They 
reached the town of Salado, February 10. Here they were halted 
and placed in prison for safe-keeping. Here the Texans as¬ 
saulted their guards, overpowered them and made their escape. 
It became necessary to kill many of the guards in carrying out 
their programme. Five Texans were also killed before they 
reached the streets. On reaching the streets they supplied them¬ 
selves with arms and mounts and struck out for the Rio Grande. 
Leaving the main travel road they entered the mountains, where 
becoming lost, they wandered in its barren waste for six days. 
All this time they were without food and water and to survive 
it became necessary to kill and eat some of their horses, whose 
blood they drank with apparent relish. At the end of the sixth 
day they were exhausted and discouraged. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


291 


Drawing the Black Beans: As soon as it became known that 
the Texans had escaped from their prison at Salado, the Mex¬ 
ican cavalry followed in hot pursuit. One hundred and seventy- 
six of the one hundred and ninety-three were overtaken and re¬ 
captured. They were marched back to Salado, placed in irons 
and thrown into the same prison from which they had escaped. 
As a punishment for the slaughter of the guards while making 
their escape, every tenth man was ordered to be shot. To carry 
out this order of punishment the Mexicans arranged a lottery. 
An earthen! jar was secured in which was placed one hundred 
and seventy-six beans—one hundred and fifty-nine white and 
seventeen black. The Texans were marched out and formed in 
line. Each man was required to draw a bean from the jar. Those 
who drew a black bean were doomed to be shot, and those who 
drew a white bean were to be spared for the time. In drawing 
the beans each Texan displayed the utmost coolness. When the 
drawing had come to an end, it was found that the following 
had drawn black beans: L. L. Cash, James D. Cocke, Robert 
Dunham, Captain William M. Eastland, Edward Estes, Robert 
Harris, Thomas L. Jones, Patrick Mahan, James Ogden, Charles 
Roberts, William Rowan, J. L. Shepherd, J. M. N. Thompson, 
James N. Torry, James Turnbull, Henry Whaling and M. .G. 
Wing. These brave but unfortunate men were immediately 
marched out and executed by shooting. 

The prisoners who drew white beans were marched away to 
the City of Mexico. While en route orders were received from 
Santa Anna to execute Captain Edwin Cameron. Although Cap¬ 
tain Cameron had drawn a white bean and was entitled to the 
same treatment as others who likewise drew white beans, the 
savage and brutal nature of Santa Anna asserted itself in hav¬ 
ing this brave and gallant officer executed as a revenge for his 
tardy acceptance of the terms of surrender at Mier. The balance 
of the Texans, on reaching the City of Mexico, were thrown into 
prison. The majority of them were confined in the Castle of 
Perote. Here they underwent many hardships and cruelties. 

The following summary giving final accounting of all the Tex¬ 
ans who took part in the battle of Mier is taken from the pub- 


292 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


lislied account of the ]Mier expedition by one of its participants. 
General T. J. Green: 

“Of the Texans who took part in the battle of Mier, the fol¬ 
lowing were killed: James Austin, R. P. Bassett, Joseph Berry, 
Harris Dixon, W. H. Hannon, Wm. Hopson, A. Jackson, John 
E. Jones, Dr. Isaac Towers and Calvin C. White. The following 
died of wounds: Lynn Bobo, Hanks Kuykendall, Stanley Lacher- 
man, Wm. Hclllrea, Alexander McKendall and James Urie. 

The following were killed in their attack upon the guards at 
Salado, February 11, 1843: Dr. Richard F. Brenham, Archibald 
Fitzgerald, John Higgerson, Patrick Lyons and Lorenzo Rilo. 

^lessrs. Fitzgerald and Higgerson were of the San Antonio 
prisoners who were captured by General Woll in 1842. 

‘ ‘ The following are the names of those who died in the moun¬ 
tains after their escape from prison at Salado: William H. Cody, 
A. J. Lewis, William ^litchell. Perry Randolph and Sanford Rice. 

‘ ‘ The following Texans died in ^lexico as a result of exposure, 
suffering and starvation: Robert Beard, William Beard, Samuel 
P. Bennett, John B. Blanton, W. B. C. Bryant, A. T. Burras, 
Thomas Colville, Robert M. Crawford, P. C. Grosjean, Daniel 
A. Hallowell, Charles Hill, Allen Holderman, Irvin Jones, E. G. 
Kaughman, William Martin, Remoni IMiddleton, William Miller, 
William ^Morris, Cyrus iMcDade, Samuel ^McClelland, John Owen, 

Elisha Porter, - Cartey, Leonidas Saunders, John Ship- 

man, Joseph Simons, Robert Smith, Patrick Usher, W. H. Van 
Horn, James S. White, O. K. Willis, J. P. Wyatt, and a few 
others whose identity cannot be fixed with a certainty. 

“The following Mier prisoners were released by Santa Anna 
through the intercession of Waddy Thompson, United States 
Minister at Mexico City: Lieutenant George B. Crittendon, 
Orlando Phelps, William Reese, Robert Waters and Dr. J. J. 
Sinnickton. 

Israel Canfield was released by request of President Adams. 
P, H'/Uusk and ]\Iahlon Dickerson were released by the request 
of General Jackson. 

“Tlie following were released through the intercess'on (J 



ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


293 


the Minister of Great Britain: “Lieutenant Charles Clark, Jerry 
Lehan, Thomas A. Murry and Donald Smith. 

“Santa Anna adopted young John Hill. He released young 
Hill’s father, Asa Hill, and his brother Jeffery Hill. 

“The following made their escape from Mier on the day of 
surrender: Winfield Chalk and Caleb St. Clair. 

“The following prisoners were among the wounded at Mier 
who afterwards effected their escape: Robert Beale, John 
Bideln, Lewis Hays, George W. Peland, Nathan Mullen, James 
0. Rice, William Ripley and Henry D. Weeks. 

“The following effected their escape from prison in the City 
of Mexico: William Copeland, Robert M. Crawford, Patrick 
Daugherty, John Fitzgerald, D. H. Gattis, John Morgan, Wil¬ 
liam Thompson, Samuel H. Walker and James C. Wilson. 

“These effected their escape from the cavalry in the moun¬ 
tains and safely reached Texas: John R. Alexander, John Black¬ 
burn, Thomas AV. Cox and William Oldham. 

“These escaped from the Castle of Perote, July 2, 1843: 
Thomas J. Green, Daniel D. Henrie and Charles K. Reeve. 

“The following escaped from the Castle of Perote, March 25, 
1844: Francis Arthur, W. H. Freshly, Cyrus K. Gleason, 
Stephen Goodman, John Johnson, Wiley Jones, Richard Kean 
and A. B. Lafoye. 

‘ ‘ The following made their escape from the Castle of Perote, 
Alarch 25, 1844, and were recaptured: William Moore, W. T. 
Runyan, T. Smith, John Tanney, John Troops, Ed. C. Wright 
and William Wynn. 

“All the other Mier prisoners were released September 16, 
1844, by the Alexican government. They sailed from Vera Cruz, 
September 22, on the schooner Creole, and landed in New Or¬ 
leans on October 5. A few Texans preferred to remain in Mex¬ 
ico and accordingly did so. 

“The following prisoners were released a few days previous 
to the general release: James C. Armstrong, Captain William 
Ryan, Thomas Tatum, William A. Wallace (Big Foot Wallace), 
and AVilliam F. Williams.” 








WAR OP THE REGULATORS AND MODERATORS 
A Tragic Page in Texas History 

Organization of Regulators—Purpose of the Organization — 
Many Fueds Arose—Moderators Organize to Curb the Activities 
of the Regulators—Many Conflicts Occurred—President Hous¬ 
ton Visits Shelby County—Confers with the Leaders—Delivers 
an Address—The Scene Which Follows—The Two Factions Lay 
Down Their Arms and Become Friends. 

The account of the war between the two rival factions in East¬ 
ern Texas known as the Regulators and Moderators presents a 
tragic page in Texas history. The crimes committed by them 
were most horrible and revolting in their nature and threatened 
for a brief period the security of life and property in a large 
territory of Eastern Texas. 

Many of those who took part in forming the organization 
known as the Regulators had in view the ridding of that section 
of undesirables who had become bold in their defiance of law. 
A condition bordering on anarchy existed. But perhaps there 
never was any justification for the many acts of cruelty in¬ 
flicted by the Regulatorg. 

The plan of organizing into a body to regulate the acts of 
men was not so bad in itself, had the organization lived up to 
the proclaimed objects for which it was organized. But evil- 
minded men early got into control and they used the organization 
to wreak vengeance on those from whom they differed in most 
trivial affairs. 

The Regulators announced that the objects of their organiza¬ 
tion were to punish thieves, robbers and land swindlers. In the 
absence of law, or those authorized to enforce it, the people were 
justified in taking some action as a matter of protection against 
any lawless element. 

In the early settlement of the territory now embraced in Shelby, 
Harrison and Panola Counties, there was an undefined bound¬ 
ary between Texas and Louisiana which involved a width of 


296 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


several miles. Settlers of this strip claimed allegiance to Texas 
or the United States as suited their purposes best. This strip be¬ 
came a refuge for a lawless class who preyed upon the good cit¬ 
izens inhabiting that strip and the territory bordering upon it. 
This lawless class committed theft, robbery, issued counterfeit 
money, forged land certificates and committed many other 
crimes. As a result fueds arose and many personal difficulties 
took place. This condition continued for several years. Realiz¬ 
ing the helpless condition they were in, a group of the best 
citizens of the territory effected concluded to organize a citizens ’ 
committee for the purpose of adopting measures for ridding the 
country of undesirable characters infesting it. A secret confer¬ 
ence was called to meet at night in the heart of the forest. Here 
gathered men from near and afar. They put out sentinels that 
none should assemble except those invited. Here they quietly, 
in the dead of night, organized themselves into an organization 
which they called Regulators. Each member of the organization 
was called upon to furnish the names of those he knew to be of 
the undesirable class—thieves, robbers, swindlers, counterfeiters, 
forgers of land certificates and so on. Unfortunately there were 
unscrupulous men among their number and they gave the names 
of reputable citizens against whom they had personal grudge. 
Captains and lieutenants were appointed, headquarters were 
established and a committee appointed to try those arrested, 
charged with crime. Quite a number were forthwith arrested 
and carried as prisoners to headquarters for trial. In making 
arrests several were killed. Among those arrested were men 
notorious as thieves and bandits as well as some good, peaceful 
citizens. They were all tried alike and convicted without an op¬ 
portunity to prove their innocence, and punished according to 
the charge against them. Some were executed, others were 
whipped and tortured and turned loose with an admonition to 
leave the country forthwith. The trials were conducted before 
a committee designated as a court. On this committee were some 
good citizens who desired to be just. But the majority were cruel 
and barbarous and pronounced the most severe penalties on the 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


297 


weakest evidence. This mock court held its sessions for several 
months and many good citizens were most cruelly punished. 
Finally the country became aroused and open rebellion against 
the Regulators was started. Among the Regulators were some of 
the foremost men of the country, but they were unable to control 
the vicious element who had joined them and became leaders in 
violence. They took the reins in their own hands and under the 
guise of reformers perpetrated many brutal crimes against good, 
peaceful, law-abiding citizens. Realizing the necessity of pro¬ 
tecting the country and themselves against these barbarities, the 
citizens who were not in sympathy with the methods of the Regu¬ 
lators organized themselves into an organization known as Mod¬ 
erators to curb the unrestrained activities of the Regulators. 
Soon an open war was precipitated between these two factions. 
It was known in history as the “War of the Regulators and Mod¬ 
erators.” Both factions had their chieftains, established head¬ 
quarters from which were issued all orders and commands. The 
conditions grew to such a stage that there was no middle ground 
and the citizens were forced to the necessity of becoming a Regu¬ 
lator or a Moderator. The whole country was in arms and con¬ 
flicts were frequent. The best citizens became involved in strife, 
and neighbors were pitted against neighbors. 

The situation became alarming and President Houston took a 
hand. He did not attempt to fix the blame upon any one faction, 
but issued an order to both organizations and urged them to dis¬ 
band and obey the law recognizing that the country they occu¬ 
pied was Texas soil. He advised them that unless they disbanded 
he would be forced to send the military to enforce obedience of 
the law. But the leaders heeded not his warning. As a conse¬ 
quence President Houston ordered General James Smith to or¬ 
ganize a company and proceed to the scene of strife. General 
Smith obeyed the instructions and proceeded to Shelby County. 
About the time General Smith arrived at the scene of strife 
President Houston joined him. He at once called for a confer¬ 
ence with the leaders of both the Regulators and Moderators. 
They assembled at President Houston’s headquarters in General 


298 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


Smith's camp. Mr. Houston greeted them cordially, many of 
whom were his personal friends. He made them comfortable and 
delivered them an address in his most happy vein. He reviewed 
their activities and pointed out their errors. He urged them to 
desist from further factional differences and conflicts. He told 
them that the law was supreme and it must be obeyed; that the 
taking of human life must cease and peace restored to the coun¬ 
try. Speaking further he said: “I urge you to disband your 
armed forces of men at once . I desire to accomplish this peace¬ 
fully, but if not peacefully, as the last alternative I shall invoke 
the military as badly as I dislike to do it. I feel, gentlemen, that 
you desire to be recognized as good citizens of the Republic in¬ 
stead of outlaws. If I am correct in my conclusions, disband at 
once and return to your homes and your families and cease fur¬ 
ther strife. Live in peace with your neighbors and undo the 
wrongs you have inflicted on your country. Some of you were 
with me at San Jacinto. Some of you followed brave Milam at 
Bexar. You covered yourselves with glory and bear a name for 
daring and bravery of which the country is proud. I had faith 
in you at San Jacinto. I have faith in you now. 

‘ ‘ The provocation which led you to arms may have been great, 
but the opportunity to show your loyalty to your country’s laws 
was never greater than now. In memory of the dead on San Ja¬ 
cinto’s bloody field, in memory of the fallen heroes at the 
Alamo, of Fannin and his brave companions at Goliad—in the 
name of our proud history—our lone star, emblem of bravery 
and charity—I call upon you to forget the trifles which called 
you to arms against your neighbors, to lay them aside and for¬ 
ever be friends. I wait your answer.” 

Following President Houston’s address a scene was enacted 
which language cannot describe. There were tears in the eyes of 
President Plouston, and as he started to his seat a dozen leaders 
of the discordant factions rushed to his side, and with faces wet 
with tears though beaming with joy, they pressed his great form 
to their bosoms and sobbed emotionally. They then turned to 
embracing one another and with uplifted arms pledged to each 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


299 


Other eternal friendship. They threw aside their arms and join¬ 
ing their forces, departed for their homes better neighbors and 
friends than ever before. 

The moral effect of this reconciliation was felt throughout the 
Republic and similar disturbances ceased over the entire land. 

Some of the most prominent men of Eastern Texas were identi¬ 
fied with the Regulators o^* Moderators. A number of them were 
the victims of the strife they helped to create. 

Among the most prominent citizens of the Republic who lost 
their lives as a result of these organizations were Judge John M. 
Hansford, at one time Speaker of the Congress of the Republic, 
and for whom Hansford County was named; and Robert Potter, 
a signer of the Texas Declaration of Independence, Secretary of 
the Navy in President Burnet’s Cabinet, and a member of the 
Fifth and Sixth Congresses of the Republic. 

Judge Hansford came to Texas in 1837 and settled in the ter¬ 
ritory now known as Harrison County, near the present town of 
Scottsville. The territory was then Shelby County. In 1838 he 
was elected a member of the Third Congress of the Republic and 
was chosen Speaker of that body. On January 31, 1840, he was 
appointed Judge of the Seventh Judicial District and served in 
that capacity until January 9, 1842, when he resigned. 

The war of the Regulators and Moderators was at its height 
during this period and while Judge Hansford attempted to re¬ 
main clear of these two factions, he was unable to do so. 

In July, 1841, Charles W. Jackson, head of the Regulators of 
Shelby County, was up before Judge Hansford for trial for kill¬ 
ing a citizen of Shelby County, Mr. Joseph Goodbreed. Jack- 
son appeared in court on a change of venue from Shelby County. 
He was surrounded by a mob who came to prevent a trial. Judge 
Hansford realized the difficulties of entering upon the trial of 
Jackson, “surrounded” as he said, “by bravos and hired as¬ 
sassins.” He adjourned court and absolved all court officials from 
attending and turned Jackson over to the custody of the sheriff. 
As soon as court was adjourned, Jackson seized the reins of 


300 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


government and organized a court of his own and directed its 
proceedings. Of course he went free. 

Articles of impeachment were filed against Judge Hansford 
for his failure to proceed with the trial of Jackson, but when he 
sent in his resignation these proceedings were withdrawn. 

In 1844 a mob surrounded Judge Hansford’s home and de¬ 
manded possession of some slaves he was holding under a writ of 
sequestration. He refused the demand and was shot down in the 
presence of his wife. There is no doubt but that Judge Hans¬ 
ford’s death was a direct result of feeling engendered by the 
Regulators and Moderators. 

Colonel Robert Potter was a member of the Moderators. He 
had his home on Caddo Lake, in Harrison County. One of his 
neighbors. Captain William Pinkney Rose, was a leader of the 
Regulators. They became bitter enemies and involved their 
friends in many disputes. In one of the battles between the Reg¬ 
ulators and Moderators two of Captain Rose’s most trusted 
lieutenants were killed. This occurrence drove Rose to madness 
and he went about to avenge their death. On the night of March 
1, 1841, a band of Regulators, headed by Captain Rose, sur¬ 
rounded Colonel Potter’s home. Mr. Potter attempted to escape 
by diving into the lake, but as he came to the surface he was 
killed by the unerring aim of one of Rose’s men. 

The death of Mr. Potter was greatly deplored and the serious¬ 
ness of the “War Between the Regulators and Moderators” be¬ 
gan to be appreciated throughout the Republic. 

In 1857 Judge Alfred W. Arrington wrote an exciting story 
of the period covered by the activities of the Regulators and 
Moderators. The title of this book was The Regulators and Mod¬ 
erators of the Teneha; or Life Among the Lawless. 

This book has recently appeared as the production of Wayne 
Reid. Judge Arrington was a writer of great power and his story 
of the Reign of the Regulators and Moderators is a classic of 
its kind. 


HOUSTON DECLINES OFFER OF FEDERAL AID IN 1861 

Plans of President Lincoln to Capture Texas Told 
For The First Time 

Houston Opposed Secession—Secession Convention Called — 
Houston Calls Legislature in Session—His Message—Both Bodies 
Favor Secession—Ordinance of Secession Passed—Oath Re¬ 
quired of State Officers—Houston Refused to Take the Oath — 
Lincoln Offers Federal Aid to Sustain Houston in Office — 
Houston Ref used to Accept—Instructs Federal TroOps to Retire 
from the State—Houston Removed from Office—His Retire¬ 
ment to Private Life—Sympathises ivith the South — 

His Heath at Huntsville. 

The early days of 1861 were days of discord and excitement. 
The State Capitol was filled with determined men bent on ac¬ 
complishing but one end—that of carrying Texas out of the 
Union and associating her with the Confederate States of Amer¬ 
ica then organizing. With the State Legislature in session and 
the Secession Convention in full operation, excitement ran high. 

It was known before the assembling of either of these bodies 
that Governor Houston was not in accord with the prevailing 
sentiment favoring secession, and one of the big questions on ev¬ 
eryone 's lips was, ‘ ‘ What will Houston do U ’ 

Houston issued a proclamation on December 17, 1860, con¬ 
vening the Legislature in extraordinary session January 21, 
1861. When this body assembled Mr. Houston addressed to it 
a message deploring the election of Lincoln and Hamlin, but ad¬ 
vising against the States withdrawing from the Union. Tlie fol¬ 
lowing excerpt from this famous message clearly shows that Mr. 
Houston’s position was a positive one, but that he discussed the 
question of secession in most conservative language. In this mes¬ 
sage Mr. Houston said: 

“The executive feels as deeply as any member of your honor¬ 
able body the necessity for such action on the part of the slave- 


302 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


holding States as will secure, to the fullest extent, every right 
they possess. Self preservation, if not manly love of liberty, 
inspired by our past history, prompts this determination. But 
he cannot feel that these dictate hasty and unconcerted action, 
nor can he reconcile to his mind the idea that our safety demands 
an immediate separation from the government, ere we have 
stated our grievances, or demanded redress. A high resolve to 
maintain our constitutional rights, and failing to obtain them, 
to risk the perils of revolution, even as our fathers risked it, 
should, in my opinion, actuate every citizen of Texas; but we 
should remember that we have duties and obligations to States 
having rights in common with us, and whose institutions are 
the same as ours. No aggression can come upon us which will 
not be visited upon them, and whatever our action may be, it 
should be of that character which will bear us blameless to pos¬ 
terity, should the step be fatal to the interests of those States. 

“While deploring the election of Messrs. Lincoln and Hamlin, 
the executive has yet seen in it no cause for immediate and sep¬ 
arate secession of Texas. Believing, however, that the time had 
come when the Southern States should co-operate and counsel to¬ 
gether to devise means for the maintenance of their constitutional 
rights and to demand redress for the grievances they had been 
suffering at the hands of many of the Northern States, he has 
directed his efforts to that end, believing that a convention of 
the character contemplated by the joint resolution of February 
16, 1858, would be held, and desiring that the people of Texas 
should be represented in the same and have full opportunity to 
elect delegates reflecting their will, he ordered an election for 
that purpose to be held on the first Monday in February next. 
Although since that time four of the Southern States have as yet 
taken no action and the efforts of our brethern of the border are 
now directed toward securing unity of the entire South. The in¬ 
terests of Texas are closely identified with the remaining States, 
and if by joining her counsels with theirs, such assurance can 
be obtained, of a determination on the part of the Northern 
States to regard our constitutional rights, as well as induce the 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


303 


States which have declared themselves out of the Union to re¬ 
scind their action, the end attained will silence whatever re¬ 
proach the rash and inconsiderate will heap upon us.' ’ 

A great multitude had assembled in the galleries of the hall 
of the House of Representatives and Senate Chamber to hear 
the reading of this message as soon as it w'as known that the 
message would be sent to those two bodies. When a messenger 
from the governor’s office was announced within the bar of 
the House and Senate simultaneously, profound silence reigned. 
At the conclusion of the reading of the message there was an 
instant of silence, as if before a storm. It was so conservative, 
so pacific, and at the same time so specific that even the hottest 
heads were unarmed. Groups of citizens could be seen discussing 
the message in an earnest but quiet manner. And yet the pre¬ 
ponderance of opinion was against Mr. Houston’s attitude. Mr. 
Houston’s enemies were disappointed. They had hoped that he 
would burst out with a cry of anguish and rebellion against the 
on-rushing tide of secession. But nothing of this character ever 
dominated his actions. 

The secession convention met one week after the convening of 
the Legislature in extraordinary session. O. M. Roberts was 
elected president. Among the committees the president was au¬ 
thorized to appoint was one to confer with Governor Houston 
relative to subjects connected with the federal relations. This 
committee was composed of strong men—men who were person¬ 
ally friendly to Governor Houston, but not in accord with him 
on the question of secession. It was composed of the following: 
John H. Reagan, Peter W. Gray, John P. Still, Thomas J. Devine 
and Wm. R. Rogers. When this committee called upon Mr. Hous¬ 
ton he received them courteously. They found him absorbed in 
profound meditation. Sorrow and anxiety stamped the outline 
of his features. He knew that a thousand clouds were massing 
into a fearful storm, and realized that when the clouds opened 
up their fountain there would be no use to attempt to block the 
stream, and realized that when the storm struck obstructing 
timbers would be swept away and the waters would laugh at 


304 KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 

the meddlesome presumption. Houston’s demeanor showed him to 
be a man of character. His reputation did not depict the real 
man. He did not flash his light across the sky as did some who 
were his contemporaries during his earliest political activities 
in Texas. Thej^ were not the steady planets throwing off floods 
of radiance, but like the impetuous comets, breathing flames and 
spitting fire. Some of these impetuous spirits were seen at Ve¬ 
lasco seeking an opportunity to arrest the government. Some 
occupied places in the council hall, attempting to thwart the 
will of the people—all lacking the moral qualities which give 
force and grace to character. 

“Men of character,” said an ancient general, “are the for¬ 
midable champions of what is right, and the implacable enemies 
of what is wrong; hanging no false lights when the storms come 
and the ships plunge.” Such men live in history because they 
are men of character. Such was Cincinnatus; such was Washing¬ 
ton ; such was Roosevelt; such was Wilson, and such was Houston. 

Houston had as relentless foes as any man of his period, and 
he was being criticised by them with all the fervor they could 
arouse. The Legislature was largely made up of men in bitter 
opposition to his policies, and some of them were so rash as to 
cast reflections upon his honor and loyalty. All sorts of accusa¬ 
tions were brought against him, but in the midst of all this storm 
he was calm and patient. He stationed no armed guards around 
the mansion; he had no spies on the alert; he made no inquiries 
of what was transpiring on the streets. Houston was not always 
tranquil, however, under the lash of personal criticism. When in¬ 
volved in solving grave problems he was slow to anger. But when 
aroused to anger, invectives rushed from him like a torrent down 
a mountain side. He could scold like a fish-wife and yet be as 
gentle as a maiden. At times he became as fierce as the storm 
that uproots the oaks; and then again as mild as a zephyr ca¬ 
ressing the violets. But there was no trace of vanity about him. 
He was severe on his enemies when impatient of criticism. It 
has been said of him that he once said to a friend that he could 
forgive them after they were hanged. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


305 


Where are those that followed Houston with a bitter rancor 
and visited upon him relentless persecution ? They are gone like 
the wasps that disappear with the summer. Their graves aVe 
unknown and their names forgotten. 

Houston was opposed to the Legislature recognizing the seces¬ 
sion convention as a plenary body and did not hesitate, in the 
face of bitter criticism, to call upon it to refuse to yield its au¬ 
thority. In a message to that body he recommended that ' ‘ it pro¬ 
vide legal means by which the people might express their will 
through the ballot box.” Representing the creative power of 
law, he said: ‘'The high responsibility upon you demands that 
you indignantly frown upon any and every attempt to subvert 
the laws, and substitute in their stead the will of revolutionary 
leaders. Be the voice as it may, we shall be united, and though 
our future be prosperous or gloomy, a common faith and hope 
will actuate us; but if, on the contrary, moved by rash and un¬ 
wise counsel, you yield the powers of government into the hands 
of those who do not represent the people, and would rise su¬ 
perior to them, the confidence of the masses in the reign of law 
and order will be shaken and gloomy forebodings will fill the 
hearts of friends of regulated government, lest the reign of an¬ 
archy and confusion come upon us.” 

The Legislature did not adopt Houston's suggestions but 
passed a resolution recognizing and legalizing the acts of the se¬ 
cession convention. Houston approved the resolution although 
he protested against the assumption of any power on the part of 
the convention beyond that of referring the question of secession 
to the people. 

Like all worthy men, Houston sought approval. That was a 
laudable ambition. Hut he never performed an act of cowardice 
to secure it. It was Xenophone who said “that the sweetest of 
all sounds is praise. ” It is true that where men have no ambition 
for the esteem and confidence of mankind, that individual is pur¬ 
sued by the hounds of ruin. The spring of pride is broken and 
decay in the faculties has set in. 

Houston was always the firmest in the midst of great trials. 
He showed this in his retreat before Santa Anna’s hordes. He 


306 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


showed it when, on that eventful April 21, he met Santa Anna 
an^ his army face to face, and with an onrush overwhelmed them. 

It was not difficult for Houston to explain his retreat after his 
victory at San Jacinto. He offered no apologies when an ava- 
lanch of criticism was being hurled at his head. He had planned 
his campaign and he turned neither to the right or left to please 
his critics, but moved in a straight line to carry out his plans. 
And he did. His enemies were dismayed. His friends and his 
followers were justified for their loyalty to the commander. 
He became at once the idol of the whole people and they honored 
him with the greatest honor they could bestow. As commander of 
the Texas army, as president of the Republic of Texas, as senator 
in the United States Congress, as governor of Texas—he was the 
same true patriot, yielding to no policy contrary to his convic¬ 
tions of right, for applause or approval. 

Houston had a vision, but many with whom he labored and 
served were incapable of discerning what that vision was. When 
the Republic was menaced by threats of invasion he advised 
patience and forbearance, not because he was unwilling to gird 
on the sword again to lead an army to victory, but to enable him 
to mature plans to drive the invaders from the State whenever 
they put steps on our soil. He was ever on the alert. But be¬ 
cause he did not proclaim his plans from the housetops, he was 
judged by his enemies as indifferent, and even neglectful. He 
formed his plans with great deliberation and executed them with 
great vigor, and wherever oppression put on the yoke, or cruelty 
put on the lash, he was found planning their banishment. He was 
firm without being obstinate, just without being severe, and 
faithful without being offensive. 

Houston had grasped opportunity which flaunted itself like 
a fair maiden on the plains of Texas. He did not wait to be led 
through its door, but he sprang through with hurrying feet and 
conquering brain. He realized that when opportunity is neg¬ 
lected, mockery and disappointment come to trouble the heart. 

When the secession convention passed an ordinance prescrib¬ 
ing an oath of allegiance to the Confederate States of America 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


307 


and all State officials were called upon to either subscribe to it 
or vacate their offices, Houston’s character was put to the acid 
test. His friends urged him to subscribe to the oath that he may 
retain the office of governor. But he felt that his past course 
was the correct one and to abandon it for the sake of office would 
be dishonorable. To him an untarnished honor was of more im¬ 
portance than power secured through desertion of his ideals. 
He would not permit friction and vexation to wear away the 
pivots of honesty and integrity. He felt that the golden threads 
which run through the granite shaft of character is honor, and 
that this he must preserve. 

The watchful eye of the Federal Government at Washington 
was fixed upon Houston—upon Texas. They knew that Hous¬ 
ton was ambitious, and that he was fixed in his determination to 
prevent, if possible, the State joining the secession movement, 
but they did not know how far he would go to accomplish his 
object. Mr. Lincoln was earnestly endeavoring to prevent the 
further widening of the chasm which had already begun to 
widen. He knew that if Texas could be induced to postpone 
breaking away from the Union, it would give him an opportun¬ 
ity, through diplomatic channels, to play a winning hand. A 
large force of Federal troops was already in Texas, trained and 
equipped and ready to strike at an instant’s notice. With Hous¬ 
ton’s influence thrown against the tide, a mighty revolution 
could be formed. There was nothing to lose and much to gain. 
Just what took place in Washington may never be known, be¬ 
cause it was a closely guarded secret that a messenger was to be 
despatched to Texas carrying to Houston propositions to furnish 
him Federal aid in holding the office to which he had been 
elected. It was a desperate situation. How to proceed and who 
was to be sacrificed were momentous questions. Finally a pro¬ 
gramme was agreed upon and a gentleman selected to bear in 
person a verbal message to Houston. This man was Major Fred¬ 
erick W. Lander, a native of Massachusetts and an officer in the 
Federal army. The go-between in Austin was Judge John Han- 


308 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


cock, a most worthy citizen, a strong Union advocate and a per¬ 
sonal friend of Governor Houston. 

jMajor Lander arrived in Austin unannounced and in the guise 
of a horse and mule dealer. He bore no military epaulets and 
carried little baggage. He was cautious in conversation around 
the hotels and on the streets; and when so engaged, confined his 
inquiries to questions pertaining to ranches and ranchmen. He 
bore letters of introduction to numerous prominent citizens. 
Whether these letters were forgeries or not may never be known. 
After calling on the persons to whom he bore letters of introduc¬ 
tion and making dates for visiting some of the ranches in the 
vicinity of Austin, he called on Judge Hancock. 

Major Lander was a gentleman—every inch of him—of manly 
bearing and pleasing personality. When he approached Judge 
Hancock, he announced that he was attempting to locate horses 
and mules for the army. He did not say what army, but as he 
was in the South, among Southern people, it was natural to pre¬ 
sume that he meant the Southern army. Judge Hancock scanned 
him closely and, after a few words cautiously spoken, he said: 
“Young man, you are not really interested in horses and mules, 
are you?’’ As he asked this question he smiled one of those 
smiles peculiar to him, and motioning to a private room, led the 
way, closing the door behind him. Being assured that they were 
alone, away from the watchful crowd. Major* Lander handed 
Judge Hancock a letter of identification and confided to him the 
object of his visit. Judge Hancock was not altogether surprised 
because he had previously been advised that a messenger bearing 
important State secrets would advise with him in a short time. 
Judge Hancock went over the proposition thoroughly with Major 
Lander and informed him that he would arrange for a confer¬ 
ence with Governor Houston, but that it was his opinion that 
the proposition would not meet with Houston’s approval. “I 
know Houston, ’ ’ he said, ‘ ‘ and while he is doing every honorable 
thing possible to avoid a clash of arms, 1 do not believe he will 
entertain Mr. Lincoln’s proposition for a moment.” “Will he 
become offended?” asked Major Lander. Judge Hancock as- 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


309 


sured him that Governor Houston would treat him courteously 
at any event, and would maintain silence regarding the confer¬ 
ence, it mattered not how he viewed the proposition to be pre¬ 
sented. 

Judge Hancock accompanied Major Lander to the office of 
Governor Houston, introduced the two and remained during the 
conference, which was conducted behind guarded doors. 

Major Lander stood while delivering to Governor Houston the 
message he bore direct from President Lincoln and the War De¬ 
partment, at Washington. 

It was a moment freighted with weighty concern and required 
insuperable courage and unswerving fidelity, for there was at 
stake the destiny of a Nation. It was a terrible moment! A 
nervous tremor passed through Houston’s frame. He cast his 
eyes downward for a moment as if deeply affected. Finally he 
arose, straightend his body as if preparing for a great leap, and 
said: “I can never sanction an act that will cause the spilling 
of one drop of my countrymen’s blood. I feel that a fatal mis¬ 
take is about to be made by them, but right or wrong, I shall 
never betray them. The people placed me in my present position 
and they shall have the right to take it from me and bestow it on 
another more in sympathy with their conceptions of right. ’ ’ And 
looking Major Lander square in the face, he continued: “I am 
not sure. Major, that I understand fully the proposition you 
have just submitted. My mind and heart were aflame. Will you 
kindly repeat it since I feel composed. Taking a memoranda 
from his inside pocket. Major Lander began in a low, quiet voice, 
to repeat the proposition he had been commissioned to make. 
“I am authorized by the President,” he proceeded, “to advise 
you that in the event you wish to resist removal from the office 
of Governor that the military authorities now in Texas will sus¬ 
tain you. An additional force will land on the Texas coast at 
Indianola, if thought advisable, and declare a general blockade. 
The troops now in Texas will be placed at your disposal to en¬ 
force your authority.” 


310 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


Mr. Houston had learned to resist the tide of passion, and the 
voice of temptation, the beck of alluring excitement and the 
charm of baneful pleasure. To refuse the proffered aid was not 
so difficult. 

“You have my answer and I do not care to add to it,” said 
Governor Houston as he took his seat. Major Lander was puz¬ 
zled for a moment, but after regaining composure, he asked: 

‘ ‘ Is there any message. Governor, that I can deliver to the Pres¬ 
ident?” “None whatever,” replied Governor Houston. As these 
words were spoken, Houston and Hancock arose. Placing his 
overcoat on his arm. Major Lander said: “I regret. Governor, 
that I am to leave Austin without some character of message to 
Mr. Lincoln. Is there not some message you would have me bear 
him?” Houston reflected a moment, and stepping near Major 
Lander, replied: “Yes, there is this message. Tell Mr. Lincoln 
that if he wishes to bring a quick ending to the war and lessen 
bloodshed on both sides, to immediately take command of the 
Mississippi River from head to mouth. This will force a quick 
compromise and result in saving many lives and much prop¬ 
erty.” “If I succeed in getting back to Washington,” said Major 
Lander, ‘ ‘ I will deliver your message to the President in person. ^ ’ 

With this exchange of remarks the conference closed. Judge 
Hancock and Major Lander quietly walked out of Governor 
Houston’s office, closing the door behind them. They soon 
drifted apart, Judge Hancock returning to his office and Major 
Lander sauntering down the avenue greeting cordially those 
whom he met, shaking hands with those whose acquaintance he 
had made during his short stay in the city. Reaching his hotel 
he retired at once to his rooms anj began preparations for his 
departure. 

In spite of the impatience Mr. Houston felt he said nothing to 
anyone regarding Major Lander’s visit for several days, as he 
recognized the personal danger to Major Lander in the event the 
object of his visit to Austin should be made known. 

Mr. Houston had been advised that the Committee of Safety, 
appointed by the president of the secession convention, had de- 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


311 


maiided of Major-General Twiggs, commander of the Federal 
troops in Texas, the surrender to the State Government of all 
property under his control and the retirement from the State of 
all Federal troops. He was also aware that General Twiggs had 
agreed to the demands made upon him. He was also aware of 
the removal of General Twiggs and the appointment of Colonel 
Waite to succeed him. 

Just previous to the arrival of Colonel Waite to relieve General 
Twiggs, the United States troops from the several military posts 
were actively engaged in arranging to turn over the stores, etc., 
in their hands. But there was a sudden cessation of preparations 
to abandon their posts. Knowing why this change had taken 
place. Governor Houston addressed the following communication 
to Colonel Waite: “I have received intelligence that you have, 
or will soon receive orders to concentrate your command at In- 
dianola, in this State, to sustain me in the exercise of my of¬ 
ficial functions. Allow me to most respectfully decline any such 
assistance from the United States Government, and to most 
earnestly protest against the concentration of troops or the 
erection of fortifications in Texas, and request that you remove 
all troops from this State at the earliest date practicable or, by 
all means, take no action toward hostile movements until further 
orders by the Government at Washington, or particularly of 
Texas. ’ ’ 

This message was a great shock to Houston’s enemies, who pre¬ 
tended to believe that he was in league with the Federal Gov¬ 
ernment. They were completely disarmed and were put to the 
necessity of trumping up other charges against his loyalty. 

When Lieutenant-Governor Clark surreptiously assumed the 
governor’s chair, Houston stepped aside without an outburst of 
anger. The advocates of disunion had accomplished their object 
and Texas became a member of the Confederate States of 
America. 

When the Confederate States of America was organized, Hous¬ 
ton refrained from complaint and criticism. He stood for the 
doctrine that when the State went out of the Union it carried 


312 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


him with it, although he never for a moment doubted the wis¬ 
dom of his course, and foretold to his personal friends the defeat 
of the Confederate Government. Not one word of reproach, how¬ 
ever, ever fell from his lips. He fitted out his eldest son. Dr. 
Sam Houston, for the army and sent him to the front. Every 
word of encouragemnt that reached him of Texan victories in 
battle greatly rejoiced him. When defeat of the Texas troops 
occurred, his great bosom shook wdth emotion and sympathy for 
a people he loved so well and had served so faithfully. When 
General Magruder recaptured Galveston and destroyed the 
Union fleet investing that city he manifested great pleasure, 
and from his retirement at Huntsville, addressed General Ma¬ 
gruder a letter expressing his joy over the victory. This letter 
was written January 7, 1863, and read as follows: 

' ‘ It gives me great pleasure to mingle my congratulations with 
the many thousands that you have received. You, Sir, have in¬ 
troduced a new era in Texas by driving from our soil a ruthless 
enemy. You deserve. Sir, not only my thanks, but the thanks of 
every Texan. Your advent was scarcely known in Texas when 
we were w^aked from our revery to the realization of your 
splendid victory. Its planning and execution reflect additional 
glory on your former fame, as w^ell as on the arms of Texas. 
Most sincerely do w’e trust that a new^ era has dawmed upon us, 
and that you may be able to again restore Texas to her w^onted 
security. We hope that Texas, with so gallant a leader as you are, 
General, wdll yet show the w^orld that she is capable of defend¬ 
ing her own soil notwithstanding she has already been drained 
of her only resources, which have been transferred to other bat¬ 
tlefields. You will find that all Texans want is a General that 
is capable of leading them to victory, and now having obtained 
that, I hope you will ever find them ready to second your ef¬ 
forts, and that your future may be as glorious as your past. 
When you arrived here, General, you found our country with¬ 
out organization, without plans for our defense, and our situa¬ 
tion most deplorable. What few' resources we had w'ere without 
organization, without discipline, and without everything that 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


313 


was calculated to render the means she had efficient. You have 
breathed new life into everything; you have illustrated to them 
what they can do, and most sincerely do I trust that the past 
may only be the dawning of the future, and I pray that under 
the guidance of a Divine Being you may be enabled to carry 
out the regeneration of Texas. It would give me pleasure, Gen¬ 
eral, to call and pay my respects to you, but that I have recently 
arisen from a sick-bed.” 

Houston was a very sick man when he wrote this letter. His 
death soon followed. On the announcement of his death the flag 
on the capitol at Austin was lowered, and memorial services were 
held throughout the State. 

A great man had fallen! 

The war had progressed sufficiently far to cause many of our 
best citizens to realize that had Houston’s policies prevailed, our 
fair southland might not have been drenched in blood. But, 
alas! it was too late. 



TRIAL AND CONVICTION OF SANTANTA AND BIG 
TREE, TWO KIOWA CHIEFS 

A Tragic Event in Texas History by Which General 
Sherman Won Texas. 

Indian Barbarities in Northwest Texas—Indians from Reserva¬ 
tions Raid the White Settlement—Santanta Led Assault on 
Teamsters—Boast of the Crime—Arrested by General Sherman 
—Delivered to Civil Authorities of Texas—Satank Is Shot En- 
route to Jacksboro—Santanta and Big Tree’s Trial and Convic- 
tibn — Lanham’s Great Speech—They Are Transferred to Hunts¬ 
ville Penitentiary—Santanta Commits Suicide. 

General William Tecumseh Sherman was not held in very high 
esteem by the average Southerner at the close of the war between 
the States, which raged in all its fury from 1861 to 1865. Ilis in¬ 
trepid march through Georgia left its impress upon the Southern 
people and did more to fix their minds upon the truth of the. 
declaration that “war is hell” than any other one event of that 
terrible struggle. Feeling toward General Sherman akin to 
hatred, at the close of the war, rankled in the minds of the Tex¬ 
ans; not that the Texans’ homes had been razed by the torch of 
war, but because of a sympathy for those who suffered and paid 
the penalty for rebelling against what they regarded as a viola¬ 
tion of vested rights. But events which I shall relate softened 
the bitter animosities engendered during the war. They occurred 
before the red hot Texan temper had time to cool. 

The United States military authorities held sway throughout 
the conquered territory. The Freedman’s Bureau was function¬ 
ing in every village and hafnlet. The recently emancipated black 
man had not adjusted himself to his new conditions and obliga¬ 
tions, and the unconquered spirit of the young Texas elector was 
slow to accept the new order of affairs thrust upon him. Recon¬ 
struction operated slowly and brought to the State innovations 
which were stubbornly resisted. But a sudden and explicable 
change of sentiment took place almost in the twinkle of an eye. 


316 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


How this was brought about forms one of the most interesting 
pages of American history. General Sherman did not perform 
this service to allay passion. He was but performing his official 
duty, the performance of which tended to the preservation of 
lives and properties of defenseless men, women and children. 

At the time of General Sherman’s visit to Texas in 1871, fre- 
(juent raids were being made by the several tribes of Indians 
mobilized in the Fort Sill reservation, upon the settlers of North¬ 
west Texas. In these raids homes were destroyed, most brutal 
murders committed and the livestock of the settlers driven off. 
As a consequence the pioneer settlers of that vast fruitful terri¬ 
tory were abandoning their homes and moving their families and 
possessions further east as a measure to safeguard their families 
against the inhuman brutalities being inflicted by the ruthless 
invaders. The w^hole country was kept in a state of excitement. 

It was indeed a dark period for that section. General Sher¬ 
man had two objects in view in going to Texas: (1) A desire 
to secure first hand information of Indian depredations and 
(2) to make a careful inspection of the government forts on the 
Texas frontier where United States troops were located. 

“General Sherman’s going to Texas just when he did,” said 
Dr. Homer Thrall, the historian, “was providential and rescued 
Northwest Texas from the doom of destruction, as the frequent 
raids of the Indians from the United States reservation at Fort 
Sill had thrown a dark cloud over the country.” 

It was learned early in 1871 that General Sherman was con¬ 
templating a trip to Texas. It was then that most of the people 
to that sparsely settled territory took new courage, and his 
name soon became a household word in the cottages of the home¬ 
steader. His coming was waited with impatience. He landed at 
Galveston on the 24th of April and at once began arranging to 
visit the Texas army posts. A journal of this trip was kept by 
General R. B. Marcy, of General Sherman’s staff. It tells of 
General Sherman’s movements in the State from the day of his 
arrival to his departure. Through the courtesy of the War De¬ 
partment I have had access to this journal. It shows that Gen- 


BOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


317 


eral Sherman and his staff visited Columbus, Gonzales, Seguin, 
San Antonio, Boerne, Fredericksburg, Fort JMason, Menardville, 
Fort McKavitt, Fort Concho, Fort Chadburne, Fort Griffin, and 
reached Fort Richardson on Maj^ 17. In General Marcy’s journal 
of iVlay 17, written doubtless before the occurrences of the 18th 
were known, occurs this most remarkable statement: “We passed 
immense herds today. The remains of several ranches were ob¬ 
served, the occupants of which have either been killed or driven 
to the more dense settlements by the Indians. Indeed,” contin¬ 
ued the journal, “this rich and beautiful section does not con¬ 
tain today (May 17, 1871) as many white people as it did when 
I visited it eighteen years ago, and if the Indian marauders 
are not punished, the whole country seems to be in fair way of 
becoming totally depopulated.” 

General Sherman’s tour of inspection was heralded through¬ 
out the State. Every where he went he conferred with the people 
regarding conditions and gave full scope for complaints which 
came thick and fast as soon as he reached the section of frequent 
Indian depredations. His kindly treatment of the people, his 
patient hearing of all complaints, at once won the confidence 
of his most severe critics, and the feeling of bitterness engendered 
because of his war record gave way to admiration. The people 
saw relief in great big letters—a thing they had been praying 
for, lo! many weary months. 

In the midst of their rejoicing there was enacted one of the 
most savage and brutal butcheries that every shocked a com¬ 
munity. General Sherman’s protestation of sympathy was put 
to the acid test, and the recital of the events closely following 
shows how adroitly and firmly he met the issue. 

In October, 1867, four years previous to the event I am about 
to relate, Santanta, head chief of the Kiowas, had signed a treaty 
with the United States under Avhich he and his tribe were to be 
fed and protected by the government at the Fort Sill reservation. 

On the morning of May 18, 1871, twelve teamsters with a 
mule wagon-train, enroute to Fort Griffin with corn for the 
post at that place, were attacked on the open prairie about ten 


318 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


miles east of Salt Creek, Jack County, by about one hundred 
Indian warriors under the command of Chief Santanta. Seven 
of the teamsters were brutally murdered. The names of these 
unfortunate men were Nathaniel Long, wagon master of the 
train; John Mullins, James S. Elliott, Samuel Elliott, M. J. Bax¬ 
ter and Jesse Bowman, teamsters, from Clay County, Missouri, 
and James Williams, teamster, from Eastern Texas. Thomas 
Brazeal, teamster, was seriously wounded, and R. A. Day and 
Charles Brady made miraculous escape. 

General Sherman had arrived at Fort Richardson the evening 
previous. On learning of this horrible affair he immediately 
ordered Colonel McKinzie to take a force of one hundred and 
fifty cavalry and pursue and chastise the marauders. The very 
spot on which these teamsters were so brutally murdered had 
been passed over the previous day by General Sherman and 
party. It was a perilous journey and one fraught with utmost 
consequences. 

On ^lay 19 General Sherman remained at Fort Richardson 
and received a delegation of gentlemen from Jack and Parker 
Counties, among whom were W. W. Duke, R. J. Winders, J. R. 
Robinson, W. M. McConnell, Peter Ilart and H. H. Gaines. They 
represented to General Sherman the bad condition of affairs 
growing out of the government’s policy regarding the Indians 
in the reservations. They advised ‘"that unless decisive action 
was taken to suppress Indian depredations. Northwest Texas 
would soon become depopulated and the accumulation by toil 
and industry would be lost, families scattered, important in¬ 
terest sacrificed, society ruined, a delightful and improving coun¬ 
try given over to the blight of the Indians.” 

General Sherman gave courteous attention to the statement 
of these gentlemen and made it knovui that he was in sympathy 
with the settlers whose homes had been destroyed and families 
murdered, and he pledged them that he would do everything 
within his power to remedy conditions. He also invited the dele¬ 
gation to accomi)any him to Fort Sill to identify stock stolen. 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


319 


During his conference with the delegation of citizens from 
Jack and Parker Counties, General Sherman received Colonel 
IVlcKinzie’s report confirming the report of the brutal murder 
of the teamsters on the previous day. Colonel McKinzie reported 
‘that he found the bodies of the teamsters mutilated and that of 
Samuel Elliott burned to a cinder ; that he w^as chained to the 
wheel of a wagon and a fire built under him. 

General Sherman left Fort Richardson May 20 and went di¬ 
rect to Fort Sill, arriving there on the afternoon of the 23rd. 
He at once went into quarters. The government agent of the 
Comanche and Kiow^a Indians, Hon. Lowrie Tatem, called on 
General Sherman soon after his arrival and had a long confer¬ 
ence with him. What took place between them is told by In¬ 
spector-General Marcy in his journal. Concerning it, he says: 
“The first remark he (Tatem) made was that he had been un¬ 
able to accomplish anything in civilizing his Indians; that they 
paid no attention to his injunctions, and continued going to 
Texas, where they committed murders and lawless depredations 
upon the whites of that section, while at the same time they were 
being fed from week to week by the United States. ” “ Mr. Tatem 
further stated,” says General Marcy, '‘that he did not presume 
to go to the camp of these savages without a strong guard, and 
he had begun to realize the necessity of a more vigorous policy 
toward them. They must, he thinks, be made to feel the strong 
arm of the government and be punished when they perpetrated 
atrocities.” 

General Sherman remained in the reservation attending to 
routine duties during the 24th and 25th. On the 26th he in¬ 
spected the signal station on one of the most easterly peaks of 
the Wichita Mountains. 

A most startling revelation was made on May 27, one which 
for stupidity and audacity has no parallel in the history of In¬ 
dian warfare. About four p. m. several Kiowa chiefs, among 
them Santanta, Kicking Bird, Satank and Lone Wolf, went to 
the agency to draw their weekly supply of rations. In a talk 
with Agent Tatem, Santanta said he with one hundred war- 


3*20 ROMAN'CE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 

riors had made the recent attack upon the wagon train between 
Fort Richardson and Belknap; that they had killed seven team¬ 
sters and driven off forty-one mules. He told this with a gusto 
characteristic of a bully and added: “ If any other Indian claims 
the credit of it he will be a liar. I am the man who did it. ’ ’ He 
pointed out Satank and Big Tree and one other chief as having 
been with him in the action. IVIr. Tatem immediately reported 
the facts to General Sherman and requested him to arrest the 
Indians concerned, whereupon General Sherman sent for them. 
They obeyed the summons. General Sherman questioned San- 
tanta regarding his statement to Agent Tatem. He boldly ac¬ 
knowledged having made the statement. The manner of his ad¬ 
dress in answering General Sherman’s questions aroused the 
general and he at once saw that he had a confusing problem on 
his hands. But he was equal to the occasion. Straightening him¬ 
self in his chair, and fixing his eys on those of the Indian chief, 
he directed the interpreter to inform him that he would place 
them all under arrest and send them to Texas to be tried in the 
civil court as any other murderer. 

This firm statement by General Sherman greatly confused 
Santanta and the other chiefs who heard it. The interpreter 
was requested by Santanta to repeat General Sherman’s lan¬ 
guage as he did not understand it. This the interpreter did, not 
only once, but twice. Santanta readily comprehended that his 
liberty was being jeopardized and that trouble was in sight. He 
modified his boast and replied that, although he was present at 
the fight, that he did not kill anybody himself, neither did he 
blow his bugle; that his young warriors wanted to have a little 
fight, and to take a few white scalps, and he was prevailed upon 
to go with them merely to show them how to make war, but that 
he stood back during the engagement and merely gave direc¬ 
tions. Here he hesitated a moment, and throwing his trumpet to 
one side, he continued: ‘ ‘ Some time ago the whites killed three 
or four of my people and wounded four more, so that this little 
affair makes the account square. I am now ready to commence 
anew—cry quits. ’ ’ 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


321 


“If you desire to have a battle my soldiers are ready to meet 
you any time. It was cowardly for a hundred warriors to attack 
twelve poor teamsters who know nothing about war. I shall send 
all three of you to Texas for trial. This is what you deserve. ’ ’ 
Santanta saw determination stamped on General Sherman’s 
face and offered no further excuse, but said in a defiant tone: 
‘ ‘ I prefer to be shot on the spot than to be sent to Texas. ’ ’ 

At this juncture Chief Kicking Bird arrived and immediately 
requested General Sherman to release his friends, Santanta, Big 
Tree and Satank. lie made a most earnest plea and said: 

“General Griesen and Mr. Tatem well know that I have done 
everything in my power to prevent my young warriors from leav¬ 
ing the reservation and going to Texas for marauding purposes. 

* ‘ I have tried to keep my followers in the right path and now 
for the sake of the good I have done, I urge that my friends be 
released. ’ ’ 

Kicking Bird was one of the most influential chiefs of his 
tribe. He had previously met General Sherman and because of 
this and the fact that he had made a good record in the reserva¬ 
tion, he imagined that he could prevail upon General Sherman to 
release the prisoners. But General Sherman was immovable, and 
after Kicking Bird had finished his pleading, he said: 

“I fully appreciate all you have done. You will be treated 
well as long as you continue your past course, but as for San¬ 
tanta, Big Tree and Satank, they must be sent to Texas. ’ ’ 

About this time, twenty armed soldiers marched up in front 
of the piazza where General Sherman and his officers had as¬ 
sembled. The Indians became excited. Most of them were armed 
with Spencer carbines or Colts revolvers. Kicking Bird renewed 
his plea for release of his friends. 

In the midst of the confusion resulting from the arrival of the 
soldiers, a chief by the name of Lone Wolf rode up on his horse, 
dismounted, laid two Spencer carbines and a bow and quiver of 
arrows on the ground, tied his horse to the fence, then, throwing 
his blanket from his shoulder fastened it around his waist, picked 
up the carbines in one hand and the bow and quiver in the other, 


322 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


and with the most deliberate and defiant air, strode up to the 
piazza. Giving one of his carbines to an Indian who had no arms 
and the bow and arrows to another, he at once strung the bow 
and pulled out of the quiver a handfull of arrows and seated 
himself and cocked his carbine. At this, the soldiers all' brought 
their carbines to an aim upon the Indian, whereupon Santanta 
and others raised their hands in dismay and cried, “No, no, don’t 
shoot. ’ ’ 

The soldiers were directed not to fire, but just at that moment 
shots were heard outside the fort. This, as was learned after¬ 
ward, was the result of Indians attempting to go out and being 
halted by the guards, one of them shot an arrow, wounding one 
of the sentinels. The shot was returned, killing the Indian as he 
was riding off. 

This created extreme excitement among the Indians, especially 
the squaws. After the excitement subsided. General Sherman 
resumed his conversation with Kicking Bird, telling him that the 
forty-one mules must be delivered to their owners. Kicking Bird 
was allowed to go to secure the mules. He soon returned with 
eight mules, reporting to General Sherman that following the 
shooting the squaws had left their camp and had taken all the 
other mules with them. 

All the Indians were permitted to return to their camps ex¬ 
cept the three prisoners, Santanta, Big Tree and Satank. They 
were placed in irons and locked up in prison and heavily guarded. 

General Sherman and his party remained in Fort Sill until 
May 30. 

Santanta and Big Tree were placed in the Jacksboro jail on 
JMay 31, by Colonel McKinzie. While enroute to Jacksboro and 
near the spot where the teamsters were so brutally butchered, 
Satank loosed his heavy iron handcuffs by gnawing and strip¬ 
ping the flesh clear to the bone, lie immediately seized a Spen¬ 
cer carbine and attempted the life of one of the soldiers, in the 
presence of the guard and his fellow prisoners. Satank was a 
large, powerful, muscular man and thus exhibited his extra¬ 
ordinary will power and preference for death rather than take 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


323 


the chance of receiving justice in a Texas court. A file of sol¬ 
diers instantly poured a volley into the desperado and he fell 
lifeless at their feet. 

This sudden and unexpected termination of Satank’s existence 
created the greatest consternation and alarm in Santana and 
Big Tree. Webb says that after Satank fell, riddled with bullets, 
he crawled several yards. Finding the life-tide ebbing fast, he 
had them place his body in position toward the rising sun, com¬ 
posed his arms by his side and, with Indian stoicism, yielded up 
his breath. 

The arrival at Jacksboro of Santanta and Big Tree made a pro¬ 
found impression on the people of that whole section of Texas. 
For weeks groups of men could be seen on the streets of the little 
towns and villages, earnestly discussing the events which brought 
about the arrest and imprisonment of these leading Indian chiefs. 
General Sherman’s prompt and decisive action was praised and 
commended by the whole population. HE HAD WON TEXAS 
BY HIS PROMPT ACTION. 

The trial was set for an early hearing. The fateful day, July 5, 
1871, arrived with its fervent heat. Hundreds of people flocked 
to Jacksboro to get a view of their savage foes. Judge Charles 
Soward presided, S. W. T. Lanham of Weatherford conducted 
the prosecution, and Thomas Ball and J. A. Woolfork of Weath¬ 
erford appeared for the prisoners. 

In describing the scene at the trial, i\Irs. Sue Wilcox says: ‘M 
was a mere child when the trial of the two big Indian chiefs took 
place in 1871. I can never forget the weird feelings that crept 
over me when Big Tree and Santanta were led to the bar of the 
court. I instinctively clutched my father’s strong arm and it 
was with difficulty that I was restrained from screaming. I had 
heard so many horrible stories of Indian barbarities that I felt 
unsafe in their sight. As these Indians entered the densely 
provided for them when the sheriff cried out like an automaton: 
packed court room not a voice was heard even in a whisper. 
This silence was not broken until they had slipped into seats 
'Quiet in the court room!’ 


324 


KOMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


“This created great laughter at the expense of the sheriff. I 
knew several of the men in the jury box. I felt that their posi¬ 
tion was one of great responsibility and felt like I would like 
to tell them what I felt they should do. Yes, I heard the trial, 
every word of it, and when the death sentence was read, I almost 
fainted. ’ ’ 

The jury consisted of Thomas W. Williams, John Cameron, 
Everett Johnson, II. B. Verner, Samuel Cooper, William Hens¬ 
ley, John II. Brown, Peter Lynn, Peter Hart, Daniel Browm, L. 
P. Bunch and James Copley. The principal witnesses were Col¬ 
onel R. S. McKinzie, Lowrie Tatem and Thomas Brazeal. Mr. 
Brazeal was one of the teamsters who, after being severely 
wounded, escaped massacre when the seven teamsters were killed. 

The prisoners were ably defended by i\Ir. Ball and Mr. Wool- 
fork, both of whom were faithful to their clients. They took ad¬ 
vantage of every legal technicality and conducted their defense 
with excellent judgment. ^Ir. Lanham closed the argument for 
the State. It was a most remarkable address. It was the first 
time in the history of the country where an Indian chief was ever 
tried by a civil court. IMr. Lanham paid a tribute to General 
Sherman for his part in bringing these chiefs before the bar of 
justice. His picture of the massacre, the suffering of the victims, 
the piercing shrieks of the dying teamsters; his delineation of 
the habits and miserably wicked existence of the Kiowas and 
Other tribes, led on by such daring savages as Santanta, Big 
Tree and Satank, and his representation of scenes and incidents 
surrounding the numerous Indian raids in Texas, with their 
scalping processes, and their destruction of life and property, 
combined to make up an appeal to the court and jury, such as 
has been rarely heard in any court. 

The following extract will serve to give an idea of ]\Ir. Lan¬ 
ham’s severe arraignment of the Kiowa chiefs. He said : 

^‘This is a novel and important trial and has, perhaps, no precedent in 
the history of American criminal jurisprudence. The remarkable character 
of the prisoners, who are leading representatives of their race; their crude 
and barbarous appearance; the gravity of the charge; the number of vic¬ 
tims; the horrid brutality and inhuman butchery inflicted upon the bodies 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


325 


of the dead; the dreadful and terrific spectacle of seven men, who were 
husbands, fathers, brothers, sons and lovers, on the morning of the dark 
and bloody day of this atrocious deed, and rose from their rude tents bright 
with hope, in the prime and pride of manhood—found at a later hour, be¬ 
yond recognition in every condition of horried disfiguration, unutterable 
mutilation and death, lying 

* * * ‘Stark and stiff 

Under the hoof of vaunting enemies! ’ ’ 

“This vast collection of our border people; this ‘sea of faces,’ including 
distinguished gentlemen, civic and military, who have come hither to wit¬ 
ness the triumph of law and justice over barbarity and assassination; the 
matron and the maiden, the gray-haired sire and the immature lad who 
have been attached to this tribunal by this unusual occasion, all conspire 
to surround this case wuth thrilling and extraordinary interest! Though 
we were to pause in silence, the cause I represent would exclaim with 
trumpet-tongue! 

“ Santanta, the veteran council chief of the Kiowas—the orator—the 
diplomat—the counselor of his tribe—the pulse of his race; Big Tree, the 
young war chief, who leads in the thickest of the fight, and follows no one 
in the chase—the mighty warrior athlete, w’ith the speed of the deer and 
the eye of the eagle, are at this bar, in the charge of the law! So they 
would be described by Indian admirers, who live in more secured and fav¬ 
ored lands, remote from the frontier—where ‘distance lends enchantment’ 
to the imagination—w’here the story of Pocahontas and the speech of Logan, 
the Minge are read, and the dread sound of the war-w’hoop is not heard. 
We who see them today, disrobed of all their fancied graces, exposed in 
the light of reality, behind them through far different lenses, recog¬ 
nize in Santanta the arch fiend of treachery and blood—the cunning Cata- 
line—the promoter of strife—the breaker of treaties signed by his own 
hand—the inciter of his fellows to rapine and murder—the artful dealer in 
bravado while in the pow-wow, and the most abject cowrard in the field, as 
well as jfhe most canting and double-tongued hypocrite when detected and 
overcome! In Big Tree we perceive the tiger-demon who has tasted blood 
and loves it as his food—wiio stopsi at no crime how black soever—who is 
swift, at every species of ferocity, and pities not at any sight of agony or 
death—he can scalp, burn, torture, mangle and deface his victims, with all 
the superlative of cruelty, and have no feeling of sympathy or remorse. 
They are both hideous and loathsome in appearance, and we look in vain to 
see in them, anything to be admired or even endured. Still, these rough 
‘sons of the wood’ have been commiserated; the measures of the poet and 
the pen of romance have been invoked to grace the ‘melancholy history’ of 
the red man. Powerful legislative influences have been brought to bear to 
procure for them annuities, reservations and supplies. Federal munificence 


326 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


has fostered and nourished tliem, fed and clothed them; from their strong¬ 
holds of protection they have come down upon us ‘like wolves on the fold;’ 
treaties have been solemnly made with them, wherein they have been con¬ 
sidered with all the formalities of quasi nationalities; immense financial 
‘rings’ have had their origin in, and drawn their vitality from, ‘the Indian 
question;’ unblushing corruption has stalked abroad, created and kept 
alive though 

* * * poor Indian, whose untutored mind 

Sees God in clouds, or hears Him in the wdnd. ’ 

Mistaken sympathy for these vile creatures has kindled the flames around 
the cabin of the pioneer and despoiled him of his hard earnings, murdered 
and scalped our people, ana carried off our women into captivity worse than 
death. For many years, predatory and numerous bands of these ‘ pets of the 
government’ have waged the most relentless and heart-rending warfare 
upon our frontier, stealing our property and killing our citizens. We have 
cried aloud for help; as segments of the grand aggregate of the country 
w'c have begged for relief; deaf ears have been turned to our cries, and the 
story of our wrongs has been discredited. Had it not been for General W. 
T. Sherman and his most opportune journey through this section—his per¬ 
sonal observation of the debris of this scene of slaughter, the ensanguined 
corpses of the murdered teamsters, and the entire evidence of this dire 
tragedy, it may well be doubted whether these brutes in human shape would 
ever have been brought to trial; for it is a fact, well known in Texas, that 
stolen property has been traced to the very doors of the reservation and 
there identified by our ])eopIe, to no ])urpose. We are greatly indebted to the 
military arm of the government for kindly offices and co-operation in pro¬ 
curing the arrest and transference of the defendants. If the entire man¬ 
agement of the Indian question were submitted to that gallant and dis¬ 
tinguished army officer (General McKinzie) who graces this occasion with 
his dignified presence, our frontier would soon enjoy immunity from these 
marauders, 

“It speaks well for the humanity of our laws and the tolerance of this 
people that the prisoners are permitted to be tried in this Christian land, 
and by this Christian tribunal. The learned court has, in all things, required 
the observance of the same rules of procedure—the same principles of evi¬ 
dence—the same judicial methods, from the presentment of the indictment 
dowm to the charge soon to be given l)y his honor, that are enforced in the 
trial of a wdiite man. You gentlemen of the jury have sworn that you can and 
will render a fair and impartial verdict. Were we to ])ractice lex talionis, 
no right of trial by jury would be allowed these monsters; on the contrary, 
as they have treated their victims, so it would be measured unto them. 

“The definition of murder is so familiar to the court and has been so 
frequently discussed before the country, that any technical or elaborate in- 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


327 


vestigation of the subject, under the facts of this case, would seem un¬ 
necessary. Under our statute, ‘all murder committed in the perpetration, 
or in the attempt at the perpetration of robbery is murder in the first de¬ 
gree.’ Under the facts of the case we might well rest upon this clause of 
the statute in the determination of the grade of the offense. The testimony 
discloses these salient features. About the time indicated by the charge, 
the defendants, wdth other chiefs, and a band of more than fifty warriors, 
w ere absent from their reservation at Fort Sill; they w^ere about thirty days 
—a sufficient length of time to make their incursion and return; that 
upon their return they brought back their booty—the forty mules, guns and 
pistols, and camp supplies of the deceased; that Santanta made a speech in 
the presence of the interpreter, Lowrie Tatem, the Indian agent at Fort 
Sill, and General Sherman, in which he boasted of ‘having been dowm to 
Texas and had a big fight—killing seven Tehannas (Texans), and cap¬ 
turing forty mules, guns, pistols, ammunition, sugar and coffee and other 
supplies of tiie train; that he said if any other chief claimed the credit 
of the victory that he was a liar; that he, Satanta, with Big Tree and Sa- 
tank (who w'ere [)resent and acquiesced in the statement), w'ere entitled to 
all the glory. ’ Here we have his own admission, voluntarily and arrogantly 
made, describing minutely this whole tragic affair. Then we have the evi¬ 
dence of one of the surviving teamsters who tells of the attack upon his 
comrades, by a band of over fifty Indians—of the killing of seven of his 
comrades and the escape of four others, with himself. Then we have the 
testimony of the orderly sergeant w^ho, himself, is an old Indian fighter, 
and familiar with the modes of attack and general conduct of the savages. 
He, with a detachment of soldiers, w^ent out from Fort Richardson to the 
scene of blood, to bury the dead. He describes how they were scalped— 
mutilated with tomahawks—shot with arrows; how the w'agon master was 
chained to the wheel and burned, evidently while living—of the revolting 
and horrible manner in which the dead bodies were mangled and disfigured, 
and how everything betokened the work and presence of Indians. He fur¬ 
ther described the arrow's as those of the Kiowas. We learn from him the 
interesting fact that Indian tribes are known by the peculiar manner in 
which their arrow's are made, like civilized nations are recognized by their 
flags. 

****** 

“The same amount and character of testimony w'ere sufficient to convict 
any white men. ‘By their ow'n words, let them be condemned.’ Their con¬ 
viction and punishment cannot repair the loss nor avenge the blood of the 
good men they have slain; still, it is due to law' and justice and humanity 
that they should receive the highest j)unishment. This is even too mild and 
humane for them. Pillage and blood-thirstiness were the motors of this 
diabolical deed; fondness for torture and intoxication of delight at human 


328 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


1 

.1 

1 


agony impelled its perpetration. All the elements of murder in the first 
degree are found in the ca^e. The jurisdiction of the court is complete, 
and the State of Texas expects from you a verdict and judgment in ac¬ 
cordance with the law and the evidence. 

After Mr. Lanham completed his address and took his seat, 
Santanta arose and delivered a brief speech in the Comanche 
tongue. The following is substantially what he said in a semi¬ 
signal, semi-oral form, as interpreted by the court interpreter: 

“I can not speak with these things upon my wrists (holding up his arms 
to show the iron bracelets). I am a squaw. Has anything been heard from 
the great father*? I have never been so near the Tehannas (Texans) before. 
I look around me and see your braves, squaws and papooses, and I have 
said in my heart, ‘If I ever get back to my people I will never make war 
upon you.’ I have always been the friend of the white man, ever since I 
was so high (indicating by sign tlie height of a boy). My tribe have taunted 
me and called me a squaw because I have been the friend of the Tehannas. 
I am suffering now for the crimes of bad Indians, of Satank, and Lone 
Wolf, and Kicking Bird, and Big Bow, and First Bear, and Eagle Heart, 
and if you will let me go I will kill the three latter with my own hand. I 
did not kill the Tehannas. I came down to Pease River as a big medicine 
man to doctor the wounds of my braves. I am a big chief among my people. 
I will withdraw my warriors from Tehanna. I will take them across the 
Red River and that shall be the line between us and the pale-faces. I will 
wash out the spots of blood and make it a white land and there shall be 
peace, and the Tehannas may plow and drive their oxen to the banks of the 
river, but if you kill me it will be like a spark in the prairie, make big fire, 
burn heap. ’ ’ 

Following Santanta’s harrangue. Judge Soward read his charge 
to the jury. This was July 8. The jury retired but soon reported 
that a verdict had been agreed upon. They filed into the court 
room and their verdict was read to the court in the presence of 
an immense throng that could not restrain its joy and broke forth 
in loud applause. 

Thus came an end to one of the most interesting criminal trials 
known to American jurisprudence. 

The prisoners were remanded to the custody of the sheriff. 
Later they were sentenced to be hung September 1, 1871. As soon 
as the news of the jury’s verdict became known throughout the 
country, appeals began to pour into the governor’s office recom¬ 
mending commuting the sentence to life imprisonment. The trial 


KOMANCE AND TKAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


329 


judge, Charles Soward, joined in recommending commutation of 
sentence. On August 2, Governor Davis issued his proclamation 
commuting the sentence to life imprisonment. 

On September 12 Santanta and Big Tree were ordered trans¬ 
ferred to the state penitentiary at Huntsville. They reached 
Huntsville and were received in the penitentiary November 2, 
1871. 

In spite of the fact the death sentence of these two Indian 
chiefs had been commuted to life imprisonment a group of senti¬ 
mental Indian patrons kept up a regular fusillade of protests 
against their confinement in the penitentiary at all. They made 
all character of pleas and representations to bring about the ab¬ 
solute freedom of these criminals. 

On their arrival at the penitentiary they underwent the same 
scrutinizing process as all other criminals, after which they were 
put to hard labor. 

Santanta was a lazy, indolent specimen of humanity and made 
little progress in acquiring efficiency in useful avocations. Big 
Tree was a different type. He was morose, it is true, but soon 
adapted himself to his new environments and became an expert 
in the work assigned him—that of bottoming chairs. 

Santanta and Big Tree were held in the Huntsville peni¬ 
tentiary until August 19, 1873, when a new treaty was made be¬ 
tween the United States and the Indian tribes in the Fort Sill 
reservation, joined by the governor of Texas, whereby all the 
Indians were to be considered on parole and were required to 
answer roll call every morning. Under this agreement the gov¬ 
ernor of Texas was to return Santanta and Big Tree to the reser¬ 
vation where they were to remain on parole. After this treaty 
was made there was a big raid of these Indians into Texas in the 
fall of 1874. Santanta was taken back to the Huntsville peni¬ 
tentiary on November 8, 1874. Big Tree escaped arrest although 
he had violated his parole. Big Bow was placed in the peniten¬ 
tiary as a hostage. Soon after Santanta’s second entrance into 
prison walls, he committed suicide by throwing himself from the 
balcony of the penitentiary. 



4 







THE SALT LAKE WAR 

A TRAGICAL PAGE IN THE HISTORY OF WESTERN TEXAS 

The Events Leading up to It—Purchase of the Salt Lake — Mex¬ 
icans Incensed—Arrest of Prominent Mexicans—Released hy 
Moh—Seized District Judge Howard — Banished, to New Mexico 
—Appeals to Governor Of Texas for Protection—Adjutant Gen¬ 
eral Ordered to El Paso—Judge Howard Returties to Texas — 
Slays Cardis—Escapes to New Mexico—Again Returns to Texas 
—Start to Fort Danis Dtfith Military Escort—Assailed hy Mex¬ 
ican Moh—Severe Battle Follows—Judge Howard Captured and 
Murdered — Great Excitement Follows — Governor Huhhard 
Orders Arrest of Judge Howard^s Slayers. 

“Old facts,” said Adison, “become new when dressed in am¬ 
brosial finishings. ’ ’ 

In this account of the events which led up to the Salt Lake 
War, it shall not be my aim to clothe it with “ambrosial finish¬ 
ings,” but to record in homely language the story of events 
which occurred when Western Texas was young, but which have 
never been presented in their fulness, and has doubtless been 
forgotten by the public. But there are those whose heart wounds 
have not been healed and whose recollection of that terrible 
tragedy still haunts them after a lapse of many years. When 
grief lays its scourge upon the heart the memories of its pangs 
cannot be effaced. 

The tragedy of the Salt Lake War makes it one of the darkest 
pages is Western Texas history. It was cruel, brutal and un¬ 
justified ; but the lives lost as a result of its waging were sacri¬ 
ficed in defense of a principle which lurks in the bosom of all 
red-blooded Americans—the right, to own and protect property. 

This war was precipitated as a result of Judge Charles H. 
Howard of San Elizario, and George Zimpleman of Austin, lo¬ 
cating a land certificate on a large salt lake north of San Eli¬ 
zario, in El Paso. County, in 1877. 

Judge Howard was the son-in-law of Mr. Zimpleman who, at 
the time of the occurrence, was sheriff of Travis County—a man 


332 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


honored by the law-abiding citizens of Travis County as he was 
feared by the criminals. It will be recalled that he was sheriff 
of Travis County when that near war was projected by Governor 
Edmonds J. Davis’ police when* Richard Coke arrived in Austin 
to take his seat as the elected successor of Governor Davis; and 
the part he played during the few days of excitement and peril 
forms an interesting chapter in Texas history. 

This lake had supplied the people of that section from time 
beyond the memories of men, with salt. As soon as Judge How¬ 
ard began to market the salt taken from this lake, and to prohibit 
the public from utilizing it without paying for it, the Mexicans 
on both sides of the Rio Grande became incensed, and entered a 
strong protest and threatened revenge. 

Howard was the district judge of that judicial district. He 
had been elected by the American voters of the district. He had 
a strong political opponent in the person of an Italian by the 
name of Luis Cardis. Cardis was a leader among the Mexicans 
of the district and across the Rio Grande. He was a republican 
in politics and held the position as sub-contractor of the Over¬ 
land Mail Route between El Paso and Fort Davis. Cardis was 
described by one witness in the investigation held by Adjutant- 
General Jones, following the assassination of Judge Howard, as 
‘‘a shrewd, morore foreigner who had little regard for law and 
American customs.” By another, as “a born leader of men who 
followed him like sheep do the bell wether of the flock.” Percy 
Ramsey, an attache of the customs office at El Paso, said of 
Cardis: “While he was the leader of the Mexican population at 
San Elizario, he never assumed the position of dictator. After 
Judge Howard was driven from Texas, Cardis was a frequent 
visitor to the customs office, and he expressed a willingness for 
Judge Howard to return, saying that ‘a man of Judge Howard’s 
firmness was needed on the bench!’ ” 

The trouble which led up to the war began September 10, 
1877, when Judge Howard had two prominent Mexicans of San 
Elizario arrested for making threats on his life. As soon as 
these men were arrested and placed in jail, a mob of forty or 



ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


333 


fifty Mexicans broke into the jail, releasing the prisoners. They 
then seized Judge Howard and the county judge, held a “court’' 
of their own, and condemned them both. About this time Cardis 
and the parish priest appeared on the scene and appealing to 
them to spare the lives of these men, secured their release. They 
were not released, however, until they extorted a pledge from 
Judge Howard that he would leave the State, never to return. 
Judge Howard went to New ]\Iexico and telegraphed at 
once to Governor Hubbard for protection. Governor Hubbard 
instructed Adjutant-General John B. Jones to proceed at once 
to El Paso. This the adjutant-general did. On arriving at El 
Paso he organized a company of rangers and placed them under 
the command of Lieutenant John B. Tays, with instructions to 
protect Judge Howard on his return to the State. Judge Howard 
returned to El Paso on October 10. He was full of bitterness 
and yielding to his passion, he hunted up Cardis, and finding 
him, shot him dead while he was attending to some personal 
business in one of the business houses of the town. He claimed 
as justification of this deed of horror that his victim was re¬ 
sponsible for the trouble arising on account of his action in the 
Salt Lake matter. Judge Howard again fled to New Mexico, 
but returned to Texas in December to hold his court at Fort 
Davis. He promptly gave bail. A day or two following his ar¬ 
rival in El Paso he started overland to Fort Davis, escorted by 
twenty rangers commanded by Lieutenant Tays. The route to 
Fort Davis carried them through San Elizario. As soon as they 
reached this place the little town was surrounded by a howling 
mob of several hundred angry and determined men. As soon as 
Lieutenant Tays realized the situation he retreated with Judge 
Howard and his men to the military headquarters and barri¬ 
caded the doors and windows. No attempt was made that day to 
dislodge them. On the following morning, however, the armed 
mob made a savage assault on the barricaded rangers. The as¬ 
sault was kept up from Thursday until Monday. The barricaded 
rangers were almost exhausted, having had little rest during the 
long siege, ^londay morning. Lieutenant Tays, under a flag of 


334 


KOMANCE AXD TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


truce, went out to confer with the leaders of the mob. Tays was 
promptly informed by them that they were determined to have 
Judge Howard and demanded that he be delivered to them. 
Tays was permitted to return to his barricaded headquarters. 
On arriving Tays informed Howard of the demand made upon 
him and advised him that he was determined to protect him as 
long as there was a man left to fire a gun, if he desired that it 
be done. Judge Howard replied that he would not require such 
a sacrifice and agreed to accompany Tays on a second visit to 
the mob headquarters, expressing the belief that he would be able 
to avert further bloodshed. Accordingly Tays, with a flag of 
truce, accompanied Judge Howard to the headquarters of the 
mob. As soon as they reached the headquarters of the mob 
about a dozen of the mob seized Judge Howard and took him 
out of the building. Immediately after Tays left his headquarters 
accompanied by Judge Howard, the mob made a vicious assault 
upon the barricaded rangers, threatening death to all who re¬ 
sisted. The rangers yielded to the mob and surrendered. Seeing 
that further resistance was futile. Lieutenant Tays also sur¬ 
rendered. 

The mob held a council and that afternoon they carried Judge 
Howard and his local agent, a man by the name of McBride, and 
a merchant of the town by the name of Atkinson, just outside 
of the town and executed them. 

The mob consisted of about three hundred and fifty well 
armed men. The fighting lasted five days. Five rangers were 
killed during the battle. The loss on the part of the mob was 
never positively known, but it was reported a short time after¬ 
wards that eleven were killed and thirty woilnded, ten severely. 

Antonio Lopez, a ^Mexican resident of San Elizario, who wit¬ 
nessed the execution of Judge Howard and his companions, 
stated to Adjutant-General Jones that Judge Howard was de¬ 
fiant to the last and instead of pleading for liis life, he excoriated 
the leaders of the mob. He refused to kneel when ordered to do 
so, and died facing the firing squad with his right hand over 
his heart. 


ROMANCE AND TRAGEDY OF TEXAS HISTORY 


335 


The leaders of the mob fled to Mexico. The Mexican govern¬ 
ment promised Governor Hubbard to hunt them down, capture 
and deliver to the Texas authorities all of those participating 
in the murder of Judge Howard and his companions. But if 
anything was ever done to carry out this pledge, there is no 
record of it in the adjutant-generars office at Austin. 

The horrible affair created great excitement throughout the 
country. Governor Hubbard immediately ordered the recruiting 
of more rangers to assist the local authorities in restoring order 
and hunting down the perpetrators of this dastardly deed. Few 
arrests were made, however, and no one was ever punished, al¬ 
though in the murder of these men one of the most heinous 
crimes known in the annals of the State had been committed. 






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